(A)

0001

Concept

Dari Danchinova

“OBC-Index” is an interactive web compendium which gathered all the texts used in „Other Books and Code“ course. It dedicated to the exploration and discussion of graphic design. It serves as a digital index with critical texts from various designers from different times, each dissecting elements of design from foundational grid systems to actual topics like accessibility and collaboration. in book design.
At its core, this website offers a word-search feature, allowing users to discover and highlight specific themes within the texts. This searchability extends into the printed version of their findings with key terms highlighted, creating a physical manifestation of their digital research.
“OBC-Index” brings together a wide range of ideas, creating a welcoming space for finding new information that covers many aspects of graphic design. The contributions of others participating in the course let us see graphic design from many angles. Gathering our collective experiences and insights, OBC-Index offers a rich experience through the world of design, shaped by those who learn it, work with it, and continuously redefine it.

(B)

0002

About

Other Books and Code OBC-Reader
Design: Dari Danchinova
Fonts: ABC Oracle Regular
Supervised by Prof. Heike Grebin, Jan Dufke, Simon Thiefes
HAW Hamburg, 2024

(C)

0003

Literature

Blanc, Julie; Maudet, Nolwenn (2022): Code 〈–〉 Graphic design A ten-year relationship: The Impact of Programming on Graphic Design, in: Graphisme en France 2022: Creation, Tools, Research, Paris: CNAP

Boom, Irma (2022): Book Manifest, Amsterdam: Walther & Franz König Bose, GĂŒnter Karl (2013): Das Ende einer Last, Göttingen: Wallstein Verlag

Brand, Stewart (1971): The Last Whole Earth Catalog: Access to Tools, Menlo Park: Portola Institute

Flierl, Deborah (2022): Stereotype. Soziokultureller Einfluss von Typografie, Hamburg

Greiman, April; Janigian, Aris (2001): Something from Nothing, Michigan: Roto Vision

Helfand, Jessica (2000): Blackwell, Lewis & Carson, David: The End of Print: The Grafik Design of David Carson, Revised Edition, San Francisco: Chronicle Books LLC.

Hochuli, Jost (1990): BĂŒcher machen : eine EinfĂŒhrung in die Buchgestaltung, im besonderen in die Buchtypografie, Deutscher Kunstverlag: MĂŒnchen, Berlin

Lorenz, Martin (2021): Flexible Visual Systems: The Design Manual for Contemporary Visual Identities, Karlsruhe: slanted

Lorusso, Silvio (2022): Learn to Code vs. Code to Learn: Creative Coding Beyond the Economic Imperative, in: Conrad, Demian; von Leijsen, Rob; HĂ©ritier, David: Graphic Design in the Post-Digital Age, Genf: Onomatopee

MĂŒller-Brockmann, Josef (1981): Grid systems in graphic design : a visual communication manual for graphic designers, typographers, and three dimensional designers = Raster Systeme fĂŒr die visuelle Gestaltung : ein Handbuch fĂŒr Grafiker, Typografen, und Ausstellungsgestalter, Stuttgart: Verlag Gerd Hatje, Heiden : Verlag Arthur Niggli

Nickels, Walter (2008): RĂ€nder/Rahmen - Über das Buch von morgen, DĂŒsseldprf: Edition Walbaum

Pamminger, Walter (2018): Konzeptionelles Buchgestalten: Neue Perspektiven auf die Verbindung von Inhalt und Gestaltung im Buchraum, Wien: Wallstein Verlag

Spoerhase, Carlos (2016): Linie, FlÀche, Raum; Die drei Dimensionen des Buches in der Diskussion der Gegenwart und der Moderne, Wallstein Verlag: Göttingen

Wozencroft, Jon (1988): The Graphic Language of Neville Brody, London: Thames and Hudson

(1)

2000

Print. It ain’t dead yet.

Jessica Helfand

Sticks and stones can break my bones but print can never hurt me
(A Letter to Fiona on First Reading The End of Print 
)
21. March 2000
Dear Fiona:
You are turning 2 in a few weeks and I think it’s high time you understood a thing or two about graphic design. After all, you are part of Generation ABC and what are ABCs, after all, but typography? And what is typography, you ask? And what is typography, you ask? A good question.
Typography is letters (and numbers) and why they look the way they do. Sometimes letters are BIG AND LOUD and sometimes letters are small and quiet. Typography can make words look good. It can also make words look bad.
But the way they look – whether they’re pink or purple or big or small or quiet or noisy or happy or scary or funny or weird, well, that’s something that comes from typography.
Which is also called type. Which is sometimes called print. Which is a word that occasionally causes people to wrinkle up their noses and describe a time when it was customary to wear burlap shoes and sit hunched over, by candlelight, scratching painstakingly written messages to one’s friends and neighbors using quill pens. This really happened, back in ancient times. Like back when there were mummies and dinosaurs. Before television. Like when Daddy was little.
Printing is what you do when you write letters one at a time, as opposed to script, which is when you write letters so-that-they-connect-to-each-other-like-this. Printing is also used to describe what happens when machines (called “presses”) get hold of all those words, all that typography, and actually press the letters together onto paper.
Paper is a word that occasionally causes people to wrinkle up their noses and describe a time when it was customary to wear burlap shoes and sit hunched over, by candlelight, scratching painstakingly written messages to one’s friends and neighbors using quill pens. This really happened, back in ancient times. Like back when there were word processors and 8-track tapes. Before computers. Like when Mommy was little.
Now here’s the really confusing part. A lot of people say print is dead. Flat and not moving. Dead, like when we drive down our road and see a rabbit or a woodchuck that didn’t make it across in time. The whole concept of roadkill is something I had hoped to put off for a few years, but I think it’s important for us to be clear about one thing.
Print isn’t dead, sweetheart. It’s just sleeping.
So as you begin to learn your ABCs, remember that your mind is like a giant alarm clock that wakes those letters up so that they spell something, so that they mean something, whether they’re on TV or in a book or scratched on the side of a wall somewhere. And while you’re at it, remember that S isn’t the same as 5 and L isn’t the same as 1. Remember that 1 LoV3 U isn’t the same as I LOVE YOU even though it looks cool. Remember that anything that looks cool probably won’t look cool for very long.
Remember that very long means, well, probably about a day-and-a-half. Remember that pictures may speak louder than words, but that words speak volumes. Remember that sometimes typography can help you understand something or react to something or feel a certain way faster, but that it probably won’t help resolve conflicts between embittered nations or advance your capacity for reason or prevent you from getting bee stings or tick bites or chicken pox. Remember that spelling mistakes are celebrated in email but not tolerated in literature.
Remember that literature is made up of stories that are what they are because someone wrote them down, letter by letter, word by word, intending for them to be read and remembered and retold for years and years and years to come. Remember that this is why your father and I want you to learn your ABCs, in the order in which they were intended to be learned, even though you can, and will, mix up the magnets on the refrigerator to proudly spell words like hrldgsno and wsigefoo and pstwe6882ge. Someday when you read the work of Gertrude Stein or look at the work of David Carson, you will make sense of such verbal and perceptual aberrations, but until then, my sweet girl, remember that your ABCs are what helps you to read, and reading is what opens up your mind so that you can learn about anything you want.
Turtles. Communism. Particle physics. Reading feeds your brain and helps your mind to grow. So today’s Goodnight Moon is tomorrow’s Charlotte’s Web is next year’s Elmer and the Dragon and before you know it you’ll be reading Thomas Hardy and Thomas Mann and A.S. Byatt and V.S. Naipaul, just as your parents did, and our parents did and, with any luck, your children will. And even though we read them printed on paper and you will very likely read them emblazoned on a screen, do you know what, Fiona? It doesn’t matter, because no matter what the typography does (or doesn’t do), and no matter what the print is (or isn’t), words are just ideas waiting to be read. And reading will never die. Reading is your ticket to the world.

(2)

1990

Typografie zwischen Symmetrie und Asymmetrie

Jost Hochuli

Typografisches Gestalten heisst Ordnung herstellen: Ordnung ist auch noch im Chaos, besonders im gestalteten Chaos. Man versuche, eine Anzahl Punkte chaotisch zu „ordnen“; es wird nicht gelingen. Immer entstehen optische Beziehungen einer Gruppe von Punkten, die in einer optisch relevanten Konstellation stehen. Das absolute Chaos gibt es nicht, es gibt lediglich verschiedene Grade der Ordnung.
Wie entsteht Ordnung in der Typografie? Durch das Aneinanderreihen von Buchstaben beginnt das Spiel der weißen und schwarzen RĂ€ume. Schon die meisten Buchstabenbilder enthalten ein VerhĂ€ltnis von StrichstĂ€rke und Punzenweite. Ein Wort erweitert diese VerhĂ€ltnisse durch die RĂ€ume zwischen den Buchstaben. Im Satz entstehen weitere Raumbeziehungen durch die WortabstĂ€nde. Dies ist das rhythWmische Geschehen innerhalb einer Zeile, also in der Leserichtung von diesen VerhĂ€ltnissen hĂ€ngt auch weitgehend die Lesbarkeit einer Schrift ab. Mit der Breite des Zeilenbandes (MittellĂ€ngen) und dem optischen Durchschuss werden die aufeinander bezogenen RaumverhĂ€ltnisse auf die SatzflĂ€che ausgeweitet.
Je nach der typografischen Technik können mehrere dieser RĂ€ume individuell beeinflusst werden. Die alten Handschriften erreichen die höchste IndividualitĂ€t: StrichstĂ€rke, Punzenweite, Raum zwischen den Buchstaben, Wortzwischenraum, Breite des Zeilenbandes und optischer Durchschuss variieren selbst innerhalb einer Buchseite, wenn auch nur wenig. Am stĂ€rksten determiniert ist der Bleisatz, bei dem durch die Vorfabrikation der Typen StrichstĂ€rke, Punzenweite, Buchstabenabstand und Zeilenbandbreite feststehen – nur Wortzwischenraum und optischer Durchschuss sind frei verĂ€nderbar. Der Fotosatz erlaubt wieder grössere VariabilitĂ€t – selbst die Proportionen der Buchstaben können durch Verzerrung verĂ€ndert werden.
Diesen RaumverhĂ€ltnissen im kleinen Bereich stehen diejenigen im grösseren Bereich von bedruckten und unbedruckten FlĂ€chen gegenĂŒber. In ihnen drĂŒckt sich die Beziehung der bedruckten FlĂ€chen zum Grundformat aus. Es gibt keine Beurteilung typografischer Arbeiten ohne die BerĂŒcksichtigung von „Positiv“ und „Negativ“. Dies gilt auch fĂŒr den dreidimensionalen Raum.
In der Formenlehre wird die optische Relevanz der geometrischen Formen untersucht. Das Rechteck – das Quadrat ist eine spezifische Form des Rechtecks – bildet die Basis typografischer Gestaltung. Die Vertikal-Horizontal-Richtung ist dominierend, die Diagonale sekundĂ€r. Jede Gestaltungsarbeit löst Beziehungen der Teilformen untereinander sowie der Teilformen zur Grundform (dem Papierformat in diesem Fall) aus.
Ein weiterer wesentlicher Punkt ist die Entscheidung Symmetrie oder Asymmetrie. Symmetrie (auch in ihren neuesten Formen) ist grundsÀtzlich statisch, starr, traditionell. Gleichgewichtigkeit bei gleich- zeitig dynamischer Form wird in der Asymmetrie erreicht.
Der Streit zwischen den AnhĂ€ngern symmetrischer und jenen asymmetrischer Typografie, der in den zwanziger Jahren unseres Jahrhunderts durch die Neue Typografie entbrannte und wĂ€hrend Jahrzehnten gefĂŒhrt worden ist, hat sich in den letzten Jahren gelegt. Nur sture Ideologen werden heute noch leugnen, dass sowohl die eine wie die andere Gestaltungsart ihre VorzĂŒge (und Nachteile) hat und dass sich je nach Buchtyp entweder die eine oder die andere besser eignet, oder die beste Lösung gar in einer Mischung beider Prinzipien zu finden ist.
Symmetrische Typografie pauschal und undifferenziert als Ausdruck antidemokratischer, hierarchischer Herrschaftsstrukturen zu diffamieren, ist Unsinn. Die bilaterale Symmetrie ist in Natur und Umwelt allgegenwÀrtig: im menschlichen Körper ist sie ebenso vorhanden wie im Tier- und Pflanzenreich und in der Mineralogie. Volkskunst und anonymes Handwerk haben sich ihrer schon immer bedient. Es stimmt zwar, dass sich profane und geistliche Hierarchien zu allen Zeiten gerne in axialsymmetrischen Gestaltformen dargestellt haben, und es ist ebenso richtig, dass wir in der Buchtypografie kaum je traditionelle Lösungen finden ohne mittelaxiale Anordnung der Titel. Der Umkehrschluss jedoch, der besagt, dass mittelaxiale Gestaltung an sich schon traditionell und Ausdruck hierarchischen Denkens sei, ist nicht wahr. Symmetrie als solche ist weltanschaulich wertfrei.
Überhaupt tut man gut daran, die Begriffe symmetrisch und asymmetrisch in der Typografie nicht allzu wörtlich zu nehmen. In sogenannten asymmetrischen Layouts stehen Satzspiegel und Paginas in aller Regel symmetrisch; in sogenannter symmetrischer Typografie sind Untertitel sehr oft seitlich gestellt, und EinzĂŒge und Ausgangszeilen ergeben immer ein mehr oder weniger asymmetrisches Bild der Doppelseiten. Letztlich beziehen sich die beiden Begriffe nur auf die Anordnung von Haupt-, Abschnitts- und Kapiteltitel. Es sei denn, man verwende sie anstelle der Adjektive traditionell und zeitgemĂ€ĂŸ, welche beide dann freilich mehr besagen.
Funktion und Funktionalismus in der Typografie setzt erst nach 1920 ein, konzentriert sich aber fast ausschließlich auf die Frage Symmetrie oder Asymmetrie? Asymmetrische Typografie wird oft als funktionalistisch bezeichnet. Dabei wird unterstellt, dass es sich um sinngemĂ€ĂŸ geordnete, ĂŒbersichtliche und deshalb gut funktionieren- de Typografie handle. Allen gegenteiligen Behauptungen zum Trotz ist der Funktionalismus letzten Endes nicht mehr als ein Stil, und oft verhĂ€lt er sich zur Funktion wie der Klassizismus zur Klassik: er tut nur so als ob. Asymmetrische Typografie kann gut funktionieren, sie muss es durch- aus nicht, nur weil sie asymmetrisch ist.

(3)

2016

Die drei Dimensionen des Buches in der Diskussion der Gegenwart und der Moderne

Carlos Spoerhase

Das Buch als Objekt ist ein Blindspot.
(
) Inwiefern ist das Buch in seiner â€žĂŒberkommenen Gestalt“ aber ein Medienformat der Vergangenheit? Benjamin glaubt, dass sich eine „bedeutende literarische Wirksamkeit“ nunmehr ausschließlich in „FlugblĂ€ttern, BroschĂŒren, Zeitschriftartikeln und Plakaten“ entfalten könne; fĂŒr die „anspruchsvolle universale Geste des Buches“ – die, so ließe sich hinzufĂŒgen, von MallarmĂ© mit „Un coup de dĂ©s“ noch vollzogen wurde – gebe es in der Gegenwart keinen Platz.
(
) Bereits die Zeitung wird mehr in der Senkrechten als in der Horizontalen gelesen, Film und Reklame drĂ€ngen die Schrift vollends in die diktatorische Vertikale.
(
) Die Schrift, die im gedruckten Buche ein Asyl gefunden hatte, wo sie ihr autonomes Dasein fĂŒhrte, wird unerbittlich von Reklamen auf die Straße hinausgezerrt und den brutalen Heteronomien des wirtschaftlichen Chaos unterstellt.
(
) ihm wird die unvermeidliche Zerstreuung durch ein „dichtes Gestöber von wandelbaren, farbigen, streitenden Lettern“ in der Tagespresse und im Plakatdruck sowie im großstĂ€dtischen Straßenbild insgesamt scharf kontrastiert.
(
)El Lissitzky ist einer der wenigen, die sich zeitgleich darum bemĂŒhen, einerseits das Buch von der Buchseite streng zu unterscheiden und andererseits die DreidimensionalitĂ€t des Buches theoretisch anspruchsvoll zu reflektieren.
(
) Zentral ist nun, dass Lissitzky darauf hinweist, dass die avantgardistische „Sprengung“ auf die typographische Seite beschrĂ€nkt geblieben sei; die plane zweidimensionale Seite (des Buchs, Plakats, der Zeitung) sei Gegenstand der theoretischen Reflexion und der (konkret) gestalterischen Dekonstruktion gewesen, nicht aber das dreidimensionale Buch. Dieses bleibe weitgehend intakt, weil bisher „fĂŒr das Buch als Körper keine neue Gestalt“ gefunden worden sei. Eine Sprengung des Buches als dreidimensionales Objekt habe gar nicht stattgefunden, denn es sei die aktuelle Arbeit an der Seite „im Innern des Buches noch nicht soweit, um [ ... ] die traditionelle Buchform zu sprengen.“
(
) DreidimensionalitĂ€t (Raum) scheint als metaphorischer Spender fĂŒr ZweidimensionalitĂ€t (FlĂ€che) nur deshalb in Frage zu kommen, weil die dritte Dimension des Untersuchungsgegenstands gar nicht in Frage steht. Und ist erst einmal die DreidimensionalitĂ€t als mĂ€chtige Metapher fĂŒr die ZweidimensionalitĂ€t installiert, lĂ€sst sich leicht ĂŒbersehen, dass die DreidimensionalitĂ€t auch einen „wörtlichen“ Sinn hatte.
(
) FĂŒr weite Teile der theoretischen Reflexion ĂŒber textuelle MaterialitĂ€t ist das Buch als bloß zweidimensionale SeitenflĂ€che von einem Bildschirm ĂŒberhaupt nicht zu unterscheiden. Um es etwas zuzuspitzen: Bis in die Gegenwart wurde das Buch theoretisch meist so diskutiert, als ob es sich auch um den Bildschirm eines avancierten „E-Book-Readers“ handeln könnte.

(4)

1981

Grid Systems in Graphic Design

Josef MĂŒller-Brockmann

The use of the grid as an ordering system is the expression of a certain mental attitude inasmuch as it shows that the designer conceives his work in terms that are constructive and oriented to the future. This is the expression of a professional ethos: the designer’s work should have the clearly intelligible, objective, functional and aesthetic quality of mathematical thinking.
The use of the grid as an ordering system is the expression of a certain mental attitude inasmuch as it shows that the designer conceives his work in terms that are constructive and oriented to the future. This is the expression of a professional ethos: the designer’s work should have the clearly intelligible, objective, functional and aesthetic quality of mathematical thinking.
His work should thus be a contribution to general culture and itself form part of it. Constructive design which is capable of analysis and reproduction can influence and enhance the taste of a society and the way it conceives forms and colours. Design which is objective, committed to the common weal, well composed and refined constitutes the basis of democratic behaviour. Constructivist design means the conversion of design laws into practical solutions.
Work done systematically and in accordance with strict formal principles makes those demands for directness, intelligibility and the integration of al factors which are also vital in sociopolitical life. Working with the grid system means submitting to laws of universal validity.
(4.1) The use of the grid system implies
the will to systematize, to clarify
the will to penetrate to the essentials, to concentrate the will to cultivate objectivity instead of subjectivity
the will to rationalize the creative and technical production processes
the will to integrate elements of colour, form and material
the will to achieve architectural dominion over surface and space
the will to adopt a positive, forward-looking attitude
the recognition of the importance of education and the effect of work devised in a constructive and creative spirit.
Every visual creative work is a manifestation of the character of the designer. It is a reflection of his knowledge, his ability, and his mentality.
(4.2) The typographic grid
The grid divides a two-dimensional plane into smaller fields or a three-dimensional space into smaller compartments. The fields or compartments may be the same or different in size. The fields correspond in depth to a specific number of lines of text and the width of the fields is identical with the width of the columns.
The depths and the widths are indicated in typographic measures, in points and Cicero. The fields are separated by an intermediate space so that on the one hand pictures do not touch each other and legibility is thus preserved and on the other that captions can be placed below the illustrations.
The vertical distance between the fields 1 2 or more lines of text, the horizontal space depending on the size of the type character and of the illustrations. By means of this division into grid fields the elements of design, viz. typography, photography, illustration and colour, can be disposed in a better way. These elements are adjusted to the size of the grid fields and fitted precisely into the size of the fields. The smallest illustration corresponds to the smallest grid field. The grid for a 1 page comprises a smaller or larger number of such grid fields. Al illustrations, photographs, statistics etc. have the size of 1, 2, 3 or 4 grid fields. In this way a certain uniformity is attained ni the presentation of visual information.
The grid determines the constant dimensions of space. There is virtually no limit to the number of grid divisions. It may be said in general that every piece of work must be studied very carefully so as to arrive at the specific grid network corresponding to its requirements. The rule: The fewer the differences in the size of the illustrations, the quieter the impression created by the design. As a controlling system the grid makes it easier to give the surface or space a rational organization. Such a system of arrangement compels the designer to be honest in his use of design resources. It requires him to come to terms with the problem in hand and to analyse it. It fosters analytical thinking and gives the solution of the problem a logical and material basis. fI the text and pictures are arranged systematically, the priorities stand out more clearly.
A suitable grid in visual design makes it easier to construct the argument objectively with the means of visual communication lo construct the text and illustrative material systematically and logically to organize the text and illustrations in a compact arrangement with its own rhythm to put together the visual material so that it is readily intelligible and structured with a high degree of tension.
There are various reasons for using the grid as an aid in the organization of text and illustration:
economic reasons: a problem can be solved in less time and al lower cost.
rational reasons: both simple and complex problems can be solved in a uniform and characteristic style.
mental attitude: the systematic presentation of facts, o sequences of events, and of solutions to problems should, for social and educational reasons, be a constructive contribution to the cultural state of society and an expression of our sense of responsibility
(4.3) What is the purpose of the grid?
The grid is used by the typographer, graphic designer, photographer and exhibition designer for solving visual problems in two and three dimensions. The graphic designer and typographer use it for designing press advertisements, brochures, catalogues, books, periodicals etc., and the exhibition designer for conceiving his plan for exhibitions and show-window displays.
By arranging the surfaces and spaces in the form of a grid the designer is favourably placed to dispose his texts, photographs and diagrams in conformity with objective and functional criteria. The pictorial elements are reduced to a few formats of the same size. The size of the pictures is determined according to their importance for the subject. The reduction of the number of visual elements used and their incorporation in a grid system creates a sense of compact planning, intelligibility and clarity, and suggests orderliness of design. This orderliness lends added credibility to the information and induces confidence.
Information presented with clear and logically set out titles, subtitles, texts, illustrations and captions will not only be read more quickly and easily but the information wil also be better understood and retained in the memory. This is a scientifically proved fact and the designer should bear it constantly in mind. The grid can be successfully used for the corporate identities of firms. This includes all visual media of in-formation from the visiting card to the exhibition stand: all printed forms for internal and external use, advertising matter, vehicles for goods and passenger trans- port, name-plates and lettering on buildings, etc.
When designing with grids, the results are often quite predictable. Of course, designers can define the grid and therefore can use it as an individual tool to generate layouts. Depending on the subtlety of a grid, layout options can be fairly diverse. But, because of the possibilities and the complexity opened up by ever finer grids, it becomes more and more difficult to use them. This contradicts the original purpose of a grid: Reducing the number of options and thus improving the efficiency of a layout for a large number of pages. The designer has to weigh simplicity against detail. What would a grid look like that is not overly complex and still leads to more organic and diverse-looking layouts? lnstead of static lines defined by coordinates, it could consist of moving elements that, even if they have their origin at a particular coordinate, move between Positions and over time. Using such a grid for layouts, the probability is small that its lines are at the same spot at different points in time. The grid has become more unpredictable. Standardised tools in graphic software, such as the grid, can only be changed within the narrow scope of a few predefined settings.

(5)

2021

Flexible Visual Systems

Martin Lorenz

(5.1) Working without grids
Even if you want to work without grids, you still need visual systems. Grids are one of the most helpful inventions since communication designers had to design more than one deliverable. By limiting the options where to place text or images and in which size, so much time has been saved. Apart from being an efficient design tool, they also establish a comprehensible order that makes reading easier. Having said that, you are not obliged to use them.
A visual system is nothing eise than a set of rules, an instruction manual for humans and/or machines. By inventing rules, similar to the ones on the left, you can design processes that lead to distinctive visual identities. The instructions you are giving are actually code that can be executed by humans (usually slowly) or by machines (usually more quickly). When you let these rules be executed by machines instead of humans, you gain a lot of new possibilities. Not just that your design can become more complex, you can instruct any machine that is manageable with code. Even a remote-controlled spray can installation, drone, or car can be used to visualize the applications of your system.
But not everything programmable needs to be executed by machines. The imperfection coming from humans can create interesting details a machine would avoid. Suprematism, Constructivism, and De Stijl would have been extremely boring if not painted by humans but printed by machines. Executing programs by humans also have a collaborative dynamic that can add interesting interpretations within the parameters of the rules.
We see and remember only the things that make sense to us. Based on our experience some things appear to be comprehensible and some don’t. Not everything that is logical to us is logical to someone eise, because the other person has different experiences in life. The more people with different backgrounds we want to reach, the more universal the language we use has to be. Maths and physics are such universal languages. lt you show a person from the other side of the world an animation using physics, this person will intuitively understand it because they’ve lived with the same physics on the same earth.
1.JĂŒrg Lehni programmed a tool to spray paint vector images to walls. He called his machine “Hektor”. The perfection of vectors and the imperfection of the spray paint create an interesting contrast and a distinctive visual language that could serve as a visual identity.
2. Studio Moniker’s “Conditional Design” workshops are a good example for programmed design, executed by humans. They imposed on themselves rules, which they then executed together. The execution of Sol le Witt’s murals come to mind also, who instructed his assistants how to draw his huge murals with tiny pencils. From far the murals appear to be perfect, but from close you notice the imperfection of the human stroke.
(5.2) Which advantages does using a grid have? While you do not need a grid, this book is full of them because grids make it easier to determine the positions and sizes of the assets. Just as the assets can react to formats, grids can also adapt to different formats by repeating or distorting its modules.
(5.3) Designing with grids has several advantages: 1. Structure. Grids create a comprehensible visual structure that can help to distinguish different information types from each other. For example, three columns can be used for three different languages or the top row can always be used for headings.
2. Aesthetics. Grids can create the feeling of order and harmony, but also of dynamism. Through the interaction between positive and negative spaces or the irregular and regular placement of elements tension can be built up.
3. Efficiency. At first glance, grids look like more work for the de signer. In fact, they save us a lot of work. By reducing the options for positioning assets, the number of decisions to be made when designing is also reduced. If, in addition to the grid, you have found a system for distributing the various types of information, you only have to make a manageable number of design decisions on each page. With a book of 48 pages or more, you will quickly see how much time this saves you.
4. Harmony. After a number of pages you will also see that the design decisions influenced by the grid make the book a harmonious whole, even if each page looks different you will always notice the underlying logic.
5. ldentification. In the context of this book the possibility of creating a recognizable visual language with grids is very interesting. If the grid, and / or the system on how to apply the assets on the grid, is distinctive it serves as an identifiable design element.
6. Instructions / Design Manual. The description of how something is designed is often disregarded as a non-essential part of the design process. I consider it as one of the most important phases. If a system is easy to understand and apply it will most likely be used for a long time. If a system is highly complex and there is a human applying it, it will most likely be wrongly interpreted.
A grid helps to visualize rules. Everybody understands what it means to divide the width of the format by ten and use a tenth of the format as a space around an object, as shown on the left page. The modules resulting from the division of the format help to define position and size of objects and spaces and the best thing about them, they are scalable and adapt to the size of the format.
At the risk of mentioning the obvious, I would like to point out that there is a difference between graphic and typographic grids and that these must be coordinated with each other. While typographic grids need space in between columns and rows, also called gutter, graphic grids can work perfectly without the gutter. In fact, they are easier to manage and calculate without the gutter. When working with graphic-heavy visual systems I usually start with a graphic grid and place a typographic grid inside the sections which have text. If I am working on a book or any other text-heavy application I start with the typographic grid and place the graphic grid inside of the modules of the typographic grid. Another option would be to place a format-spanning typographic grid on top of a graphic grid, but to this date design software does not make this easy.
(5.4) How to create a grid with different geometric forms?
Reset. Forget about the software you are working with and the possibilities they offer you at the moment, and you will see that you are very limited and that there are countless other ways to develop grids. You only need to look at centuries old Islamic patterns. These seemingly complex patterns are based on simple grids based on different geometric shapes and their intelligent use. Even the much simpler posters for Musica Viva by Josef MĂŒller-Brockmann, designed on a grid rotated by 45 degrees, look very innovative for a today’s designer adapted to today’s software. Not to mention MĂŒller-Brockmann’s circular grids. All of these are quite complicated to realize with today’s software.
Starting Points. Begin your experiments with alternative grid systems with a geometric shape that is not the rectangle. For example, take a triangle or hexagon and put them together. Use the resulting characteristics to design shapes and patterns, but also to design or arrange fonts.
Adaptation. Today’s software favors the grid based on horizontal and vertical guidelines. Adapting the grid based on other shapes is complicated. This is why in this book I have worked with triangles, pentagons, and hexagons that fit into a rectangular grid.
How to use grids?
There are different ways to use a grid. You can generate shapes by filling modules or their outline. You can also use the module or outline to align text or graphics. The more unusual the grid and its use is the better it serves as a distinctive visual identity. These couple of options give you already sheer unlimited possibilities. You can repeat the modules and use them to create larger patterns, lines, frames, or labels, depending on the need of each deliverable.
Adjusting the complexity of the grid needs to be dependent on content and scale of the deliverable. Simple solutions are better suited for small applications. The larger the format, the more complex you can get.

(6)

2001

Bodies of colors

April Greiman

Something from nothing. We think of color as decorative, what philosophers call a secondary quality, as opposed to the qualities of form and matter, that exhaust the essence of a thing. Color are given to bodies, but they do not posses bodies. A chair is a chair, red or green. (
) Bodies of colors. Kandinsky made this bodies dance to music, freed colors from the hold of forms. He gave value to color’s plastic, ‘floating’, variable existence. Likewise, for Greiman, it is the very variable existence of color that gives color power. “From the Center: Design Process at SCI-Arc”, a book that includes texts and images of faculty work at the progressive architectural school, Is a showcase of what colors can do other than just color. White, the background, passive meld against which words and images receive form, here pets her equal share.
No longer just a neutral surface upon which the writing is inscribed, or images put, she is rather a physical force, a body that responds to other bodies in an environment. White hugs, and curves around images. It provides a scaffolding for texts. Sometimes white jumps into the spotlight. It becomes the color of text, against a black background, like chalk on an old-fashioned-blackboard (SCI-Arc is after all a school). All the colors in this book serve outrageous purposes. They become nesting places for texts, virtual breeding grounds. Orange becomes the medium for the articulation of a line drawing. Colors collide, express tensions, extend the significance of images. They can give porosity to the text, or enclose a text in a kind of organic wrapper.
Aside from the play of colors, the question Greiman poses for herself with “From the Center: Design Process at ScI-Arc” is: can a page approximate the nature of the three-dimensional world? Can a page approach architecture? The answer to this question appears in her radical treatment of texts. Already, from the “19th Amendment Commemorative Postage Stamp” project on, it is hard to keep Greiman’s typefaces in place. They seem to posses a kind of eagerness to play multiple roles, to dance, to be part of, as well as so much signage pointing to the action. But with From the Center: Design Process at SCI-Arc“ texts respond, form a kind of intimate circuit with the images.
Sometimes they copy, sometimes they hollow out in precisely the shape of the architectural image they refer to. Sometimes they seem to simply generate from out of themselves their own structure giving a whole new sense to a ‘column’ of text. All in all, there seems to be an exchange of information between color, text, and image. The same way, for instance, a bee and a flower form an empathic circuit. How can we allow a door through which the observer might pass into the field, not just mentally but sensually, physically? How do we create an environment in, for, play?

(7)

1988

Designing Books

Jon Wozencroft

From a design point of view, books are primarily about establishing a clear typographic system. Book design is of course a very different proposition to working on magazines, which have a different structure and a much stronger bias towards the use of images. Except in such cases as the Re-Search publications and similar music books where publishers have tried to marry the two media, photographs are sometimes used in books to provide “breathing spaces” within the text, whereas in magazines they generally carry a lot more editorial momentum.
The design is largely a matter of pure common sense. The grid must be well proportioned on the page, with adequate inner and outer margins. You must find out in advance how the book is to be bound, so that you know whether its pages will open easily or whether you must exaggerate the margin away from the spine. Each book’s character is largely developed out of detailing, such as the placing of headings and the choice of typeface. The jacket or cover is either the first or the last thing you do, and should signal the design and content as a whole.
lt is important to remember that as a designer you are working not only with a different temporal requirement, but, in most cases, a more deliberate and personal kind of expression. With this in mind, the design has to strike the right balance between passivity and intrusion. In the case of magazines that are around for a limited period, the design of an article or feature must immediately encourage the reader to read it. You can never take it for granted that this will happen. With books, you can, or at least you should be able to. Book design must support the act of reading its printed pages, which naturally demands more time than it takes to get through a double-page spread in a magazine.
Space is as important a factor in a book as it is anywhere else. The design must be finely weighted so that the type has an impressive overall appearance, but not so much that it encourages the reader to stare at the page at the expense of the words themselves. lf you are going to choose a typeface other than a sympathetic book fount like Garamond, Times or Bodoni Book, then you must be sure that the content supports such a deviation. The subject matter might be so indistinct that it helps to produce a more expressive element – a typeface such as Corvinus or Rockwell, for example. As usual, you work to the given task, not to the given norm.
There is another side to book design which does not usually arise in magazine work-the choice of paper stock. The texture of the paper should support the book’s literary style and the typeface(s) chosen for it. For example, it would be no use selecting Bodoni, with its very fine serifs, if you planned to print on a rough matt surface – unless, of course, you actually intended the type to break up. Once again, if you are going to opt for a more distinctive design, you have to consider the book’s potential lifespan. With any design, a good question to ask yourself is “What will it look like in five years time?”
I must say that I much prefer doing a cover to designing an entire book. Who wouldn’t? Designing a 200-page book involves a great amount of work for what is usually a small return. Some publishers are their own worst enemies – although it is important to “never judge a book by its cover”, the opposite most often applies now. The inside design is still somehow taken for granted, as if the writer had already designed the page. When the designer’s function is encouraged as a profession, not unlike that a doctor or a solicitor, it becomes a service industry that keeps it apart from the creative process. The future of the book as a means of communication is itself in the balance.1 Perhaps it has already been lost to the more “democratic” emotions of popular music. More and more information, once the domain of books, is being transferred to computer disc and microfilm. You cannot browse through data banks.

(8)

2018

Konzeptionelles Buchgestalten

Walter Pamminger

Ergibt es Sinn, ĂŒber ein altbewahrtes Medium gestalterisch neu nachzudenken? Kann und soll es zeitgenössisch gestaltete Bucher geben? Wie kann aus einem Buch wieder etwas Fremdes und Unvertrautes werden?
Anhand solcher Problemstellungen begann ich vor fĂŒnfundzwanzig Jahren mit etwas, das ich heute „konzeptionelles Buchgestalten“ nenne. Darunter verstehe ich zunĂ€chst einmal den Versuch, Strukturen des Inhalts im weitesten Sinne mit der spezifischen Struktur des Buches in Einklang und intensiven Dialog zu bringen – ausschließlich mit grafischen Mitteln und dabei die Potenziale des Mediums zu erweitern. Unter Inhalt verstehe ich den Datenbestand, den der Auftraggeber zur VerfĂŒgung stellt – den ich als gestalterisch vorgeformt, vielfĂ€ltig strukturiert, kontextabhĂ€ngig und damit: instabil ansehe.
Der Ausdruck „konzeptionelles Buchgestalten“ lĂ€sst an „concept art“ denken. Die berĂŒhmte Definition der „concept art“ Sol LeWitts paraphrasierend, meine ich: Im „konzeptionellen Buchgestalten“ ist die „Idee“ der entscheidende Aspekt. Dies impliziert, dass entsprechende PlĂ€ne und Entscheidungen bereits bestehen, bevor die gestalterische AusfĂŒhrung, im Sinne einer souverĂ€nen, handwerklich professionellen Umsetzung, erfolgt. Das leitende Konzept, die Idee, liefert den Grundriss und fungiert als die „Maschine“, welche die eigentliche Gestalt produziert.
Die Idee soll dabei kein Selbstzweck sein. Es geht darum, bedeutsamen Strukturen eines Inhalts, ob sie zutage liegen oder nicht, gestalterisch Ausdruck zu geben. Daher gibt es zwischen „concept art“ und meinem „concept design“ auch große Unterschiede: Ohne genuin kĂŒnstlerische Ambition leitet mich ein spezifisches Erkenntnisinteresse, das die spĂ€tere Umsetzung bestimmt; darĂŒber hinaus ist mir ein Datenbestand vorgegeben, der angemessen reprĂ€sentiert werden muss. Da meine Arbeitsweise eine intensive Auseinandersetzung mit dem jeweiligen Thema und seinen medialen Gegebenheiten voraussetzt, geht mein Werk in viele verschiedene Richtungen. Um es zu umreißen, erscheint es mir fruchtbar, einige grundlegende, kategorische Unterscheidungen zu treffen: Buchgestaltung bzw. das Layout beruhen demnach auf zwei unhintergehbaren, einander ergĂ€nzenden Praktiken, nĂ€mlich der „Modulation“ und der „Konfiguration“. Diese lassen sich zwar theoretisch als Pole einander gegenĂŒberstellen, sind aber in jedem Zeichen in unterschiedlicher Gewichtung prĂ€sent.
Die gÀngigen gestalterischen Problemstellungen gehen vom Pol der Modulation aus: Dazu zÀhlen etwa Wahl der Schrift, der Proportionen oder die Spezifikation des Papiers. GrundsÀtzlich sind diese Aufgaben mehr oder weniger gut lösbar, da sie letztendlich auf einer Selektion beruhen. Konfiguration bedeutet ein gegenseitiges rÀumliches Bezogensein unterschiedlicher Teile aufeinander. In unserem speziellen grafischen Zusammenhang handelt es sich dabei in erster Linie um signifikante Relationen: um das Zusammenspiel von Textkomponenten, Abbildungen und /oder ihrem papierenen TrÀgerfeld.
FĂŒr konventionelle gestalterische AnsĂ€tze stellt auch diese Kategorie keine große Problemlage dar, da man dabei auf historisch gewachsene, bewĂ€hrte und ausdifferenzierte Konfigurationen zurĂŒckgreifen kann, die als Typologien bezeichnet werden können. Dieses Repertoire an erprobten Typen ist bereits durch Fachliteratur und einschlĂ€gige Ausbildungswege kanonisiert, und so stehen diese in Form ausdifferenzierter grafischer Anordnungen zur VerfĂŒgung: „Das Lexikon, der Ausstellungskatalog, das Sachbuch, die Prosa ...“ Auch meine Grafiker und ich bedienen uns partiell dieser entwickelten Kultur. Sie liefert dem Anwender ein vielfĂ€ltiges Inventar an Möglichkeiten der Selektion, Aufbereitung und Variation.
Bisweilen gibt es jedoch Aufgabenstellungen, denen mit gĂ€ngigen Typologien nicht beizukommen ist. Oder es kann passieren, dass man auch bei scheinbar einfachen Aufgaben Probleme entdeckt, denen man mit typologischen Lösungen nicht gerecht werden kann. Genau hier setzt mein Interesse ein, mit konfigurierenden Gestaltungskonzepten neuartige Ideen zu entwickeln, aus denen zwangslĂ€ufig individuelle Problemlösungen resultieren. Mein buchgestalterischer Part liegt daher primĂ€r in der Entwicklung eines rĂ€umlich-gestalterischen Konzepts, das – im Voraus, mit zeichnerischen EntwĂŒrfen und Texten – in eine „konzeptuelle Maschine“ mĂŒndet. Diese gilt es dann, gemĂ€ĂŸ der entwickelten Topografie, in enger Zusammenarbeit mit Grafikdesignern meiner Wahl zu realisieren – wobei die Initiative zur Zusammenarbeit natĂŒrlich von beiden Seiten ausgehen kann.
Woraus lassen sich nun grafische Konfigurationen herleiten, wenn man nicht auf gĂ€ngige Typologien bauen kann oder will? Zur Veranschaulichung meiner Praxis nehme ich Anleihen aus der Architekturtheorie. Dort wird dem „Typus“, der konventionalisierten Lösung, der „Topos“ als Ouelle der Form gegenĂŒbergestellt. Der griechische Ausdruck „Topos“ meint Ort, kann aber in einem weiteren Sinne auch Raum bedeuten, sodass sich sowohl Assoziationen zur konfigurierenden Anordnung wie zum individuellen rĂ€umlichen Kontext ergeben. Der „Typus“ hingegen entspricht den oben geschilderten Typologien. Oder mit den Worten des Architekturtheoretikers TomĂĄs Valena: „Der Typus tendiert zum Optimalen, Idealen, AllgemeingĂŒltigen.“ „Wenn Typus das Allgemeine bedeutet, dann bedeutet Topos das Individuelle, das Besondere und Einmalige.“ „Die kontextuellen Besonderheiten sind nur am jeweiligen Ort gĂŒltig und relevant. Tendiert der Typus zum Idealen, so konfrontiert uns der Topos mit der RealitĂ€t.“
Im Buch können beide Aspekte nebeneinander bestehen oder ineinander ĂŒbergehen. FĂŒr eine topos-orientierte Herangehensweise stehen zunĂ€chst die konkreten Bedingungen des Inhalts im Vordergrund: Damit meine ich die dem Zeichenbestand immanenten rĂ€umlichen oder zeitlichen Strukturen – die auch verborgen sein können und sich insbesondere auf semantischer Ebene finden, wie das Sujet, seine Kontexte und medialen Ausgangssituationen, je nachdem, ob es sich um Film, Ausstellung, Text oder etwas ganz anderes handelt. DarĂŒber hinaus können aber auch die Bedingungen der Buchproduktion generell fokussiert werden: Beispielsweise bedeutet dies die Hinterfragung der Übertragungswege von Abbildungen und Texten. Meine Auseinandersetzung zielt von Anbeginn an darauf, den vielfĂ€ltigen Voraussetzungen, Gehalten und Bedingungen des jeweiligen Projektes Rechnung zu tragen.
Dies hat zur Folge, dass jedes Projekt von Grund auf neu ĂŒberdacht und singulĂ€re Lösungen gefunden werden mĂŒssen, ohne ein abstraktes, vorgefertigtes Raster in Anschlag zu bringen. Die Konfigurationen von Text, Bild und Buchkörper werden unter BerĂŒcksichtigung des Inhalts immer wieder neu bestimmt, sodass jedem Titel eine eigene, unverwechselbare topografische Form zukommt.
Nicht selten fĂŒhrt die Konfiguration zu einer Entlastung der typografischen Codierung, indem sie semantische Gehalte auf das Feld der Topografie verschiebt.
Dies lenkt den Blick auch auf die Tatsache, dass der Datenbestand, der dem Gestalter zur VerfĂŒgung gestellt wird, immer bereits gestaltet ist. Im Zuge der Manuskripterstellung werden von den Autoren oder Herausgebern durch Aneinanderreihungen, Konjunktionen oder Konstellationen konfigurierende Entscheidungen getroffen – so selbstverstĂ€ndlich und typenkonform sie auch erscheinen mögen. Diese Arbeit wird nicht von Grafikern geleistet. Daher wird man, theoretisch gesehen, den Begriff „grafische Gestaltung“ ausdehnen mĂŒssen: auf eine Praxis, die nicht alleinig auf die sogenannte Berufsgruppe bezogen ist. Insofern ist die Konfiguration in zweifacher Hinsicht eine Zone des Dazwischen: Zum einen teilen sich diese Autoren, Herausgeber, Auftraggeber und die Gestalter; zum anderen stellt Konfiguration das Bindeglied zwischen Ausdrucksebene und Inhaltsebene dar. Ändert man beispielsweise die Konfiguration einer Textzeile – die Anordnung von Buchstaben oder Wörtern -, so wird sich auch der Inhalt signifikant verĂ€ndern. Modifiziert man hingegen die Modulation (innerhalb eines gewissen Rahmens), so wird die semantische Ebene davon weniger tangiert. Die Konfiguration jedoch konstituiert den Inhalt, der nicht bloß als Aufsummierung des Datenbestandes gedacht werden kann.
GrundsĂ€tzlich ergeben sich daraus u.a. folgende Problemstellungen: Wie lassen sich die relevanten Strukturen im erhaltenen Datenbestand identifizieren? Welche dieser Strukturen ĂŒbertrĂ€gt man, welche nicht? Wie lassen sich diese Strukturen ĂŒbertragen? Lassen sich Korrespondenzen zwischen dem Buch, das als TrĂ€gerobjekt rĂ€umlich weitaus differenzierter geformt ist als Tafelbild oder Monitor, mit der Struktur des jeweiligen Inhalts herstellen? Wie kann man Inhalte von Medien, die völlig anders formatiert sind als das Buch – wie beispielsweise Filme, Bauwerke, Kunstwerke -, darstellen? Kurzum: Wie kann man den inhaltlichen Strukturen, ob bekannt oder nicht, durch ihre Gestaltung im Buchraum Rechnung tragen? All diese Fragen setzen die Einsicht voraus, dass auch BĂŒcher in ihrer selektiven und konstruktiven Kraft nicht „harmloser“ als andere Medien sind. Dieses manipulatorische Potenzial gilt es zu erkennen, zu nutzen und im Rahmen der Gestaltung auch aufzuzeigen. Dabei darf nicht vergessen werden, dass Medien generell Inhalte einerseits unterschiedlich darstellen und verknĂŒpfen, sie andererseits auch unterschiedlich unterbrechen und verdecken. Auch Buchgestalter sind immer mit Inhalten konfrontiert, die jeweils bereits medienspezifisch konfiguriert sind. Sie sollten in Anordnungen gebracht werden, die sich bloß mit den genuinen Mitteln des Buches erzielen lassen.
FĂŒr einen solchen Ansatz des Gestaltens ist es unabdingbar, den medialen Raum des Buches als eine vielschichtige Voraussetzung zu begreifen. Es erscheint mir daher notwendig, diesen Raum aus vier verschiedenen Blickwinkeln zu beleuchten.

(9)

2008

Parenthese

Walter Nickels

Über das Buch von morgen. Ich habe ein kleines Zelluloidblatt gekauft. Es nannte sich Motivsucher. Ein rechteckiges Mittelfeld war mit dĂŒnnen schwarzen Linien in zweimal drei Quadrate unterteilt; darum eine schwarze Umrahmung. Dieses Hilfsmittel, wie simpel es auch sei, hat eine lange Geschichte in der bildenden Kunst. Ich kann das Blatt zwischen mich und die Welt halten, um ein mögliches Motiv einzugrenzen. Denn das menschliche Auge, das beweglich und unruhig ist, nimmt immer ein breiteres Blickfeld wahr.
Das Buch, das ich immer öfter sehe, gibt sich als Ausschnitt einer Welt aus, die sich ĂŒber das Buch hinaus erstreckt; die Abbildung wird nicht, als isolierte und formal begrenzte FlĂ€che, in die Architektur der Seite aufgenommen. Oft sind Details oder Texte als Fenster auf ganzflĂ€chige Abbildungen oder FarbflĂ€chen gesetzt. Bei Stephane Mailarmes Un coup de dĂ©s – ĂŒbrigens ein rein typografisches Buch – bot die Doppelseite eine neue „landschaftliche“ Erfahrung des Universums durch die Bedeutung des Gedichts hindurch. Doch das neue Buch wird eher wie jenes von Weiner sein: stĂ€dtisch.
Ich denke, dass das Buch von morgen kein „Lesebuch“ im traditionellen Sinn mehr sein wird. Die Seite wird immer seltener eine architektonische Struktur aufweisen. Die RĂ€nder – die im Grunde architektonische Elemente sind – werden allmĂ€hlich ihre schĂŒtzende und den Text strukturierende Bedeutung verlieren. Die (Doppel-)Seite wird zunehmend als ein Ganzes aufgefasst werden, als ein Raum, in dem Text- und Bildelemente gleichsam appliziert werden. Um sie trotzdem auf eine bestimmte Weise zu artikulieren und formal zu begrenzen, wird man diese Elemente, wie vorhin erwĂ€hnt, mit frames oder „Rahmen“ versehen.
Die einzelne Seite als GebĂ€ude wird Platz machen fĂŒr die Doppelseite als unbegrenzter Raum. Das Panorama-Buch – so könnte man es nennen – wird mit Details von Abbildungen oder Referenzabbildungen oder Textfragmenten gefĂŒllt, jeweils ausgewĂ€hlt und platziert vom Entwerfer. Ich gebe die beiden Modelle – das architektonische und das Panoramabuch – sehr schematisch wieder. Es sind rhetorische Figuren. In der Praxis wird man sie miteinander oder nebeneinander anwenden, in einem Buch, das als eine Partitur gedacht ist. Ich selbst bin eher Architekt als Regisseur, doch das ist hier nicht so sehr von Bedeutung. Auch wenn ich davon trĂ€umen darf, Tempel zu bauen: Die Notwendigkeit von FlugplĂ€tzen und Bahnhöfen ist grĂ¶ĂŸer.

(10)

2022

What happened to the Book?

Irma Boom

(10.1) The Book Manifest. Being in this enormous library surrounded by books from the very beginning until basically today made me realize books are made for the future. The unchangeable or frozen information is the key to understanding the past and the future.This is especially important now, because making books is no longer self-evident. One of the most important debates of our time concerns whether books can survive.
I don’t think the book needs to be defended, by the way, it’s been one of the most stable media for over 600 years. Are books nostalgia, relics from another time? The answer lies in the hands of the new generation.It is precisely young students who are mainly active in the digital world who are discovering the book as a source of exclusive information today. The ‘no screen’ is a new dimension to them and reading is literally a rediscovery of the materiality, tactility, the smell of paper and ink.
My main focus is the study of the earliest printed books in relation to the book now. If you look at the oldest manuscripts, from AD 500 and 850, and the earliest printed books, from the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, these are of unprecedented modernity, you would now call it experimental. It is an exciting time, any thing was possible – you see text as wide as the page, there are no headings, no paragraphs, no page numbers.
I find the innocence you see in that earliest book super fascinating and inspiring. Bookmaking was not yet hindered by conventions or marketing rules. The printed book, as we know it today, still had to be developed and invented in all its facets.The printed book was a medium in development. When the demand for the printed book grew and it became widely distributed, there was a need to make rules for how a book should work. I follow the quest: ‘What happened to the book?’ At a time when information is increasingly being distributed digitally, the book seems to be under threat, but nothing could be further from the truth. The immutability of the printed world in relation to the Aux of the Internet is only one of the values of the book: the printed word as a reference for the future. Therefore, I can – or must – articulate my work as a bookmaker and study the intrinsic characteristics of the printed book intensively and propagate them in my book designs and apply those characteristics. The making, the focus and concentration, and the ambitions I have, can keep the book vital and I want to continue to develop this. It is an unstoppable process.
(10.2) Printing Revolution From the Internet. Johannes Gutenberg’s (ca. 1397–1468) revolutionary printing method, first commercially exploited in the 1460s, had many political, economic and cultural implications. First of all, it helped to spread ideas and information faster and in greater quantity and, secondly, accelerated the production process, which in time made it more affordable to buy books.
Prior to this invention, spreading information was limited to handwritten texts and oral messages. The tise of the printing press changed the same for literature, politics, religion, science and many more.
Ideas became more easily accessible but at the same time more vulnerable to criticism. The art of printing en- abled people to choose their own right from wrong, or even to develop and spread their own ideas around the world.
(10.3) Reblacement by the Codex. The Romans invented the codex form of the book, folding the scroll into pages which made reading and handling the document much easier.
Legend has it that Julius Caesar was the first to fold scrolls, concertina-fashion, for dispatches to his forces campaigning in Gaul. Scrolls were awkward to read if a reader wished to consult material at opposite ends of the document. Also, only one side of a scroll was written on, while both sides of the codex page were used.
Eventually, the folds were cut into sheets ‘or leaves’, and bound together along one edge. The bound pages were protected by stiff covers, usually of wood enclosed with leather. Codex is Latin for a ‘block of wood’: the Latin liber ‘the root of library’, and the German Buch, the source of ‘book’, both refer to wood.
The codex was not onlv easier to handle than the scroll, but it also fit conveniently on library shelves. The spine generally held the book’s title, facing out, affording easier organization of the collection.
The term codex technically refers only to manuscript books – those that, at one time, were handwritten.
More specifically, a codex is the term used primarily for a bound manuscript from Roman times up through the Middle Ages. From the fourth century onwards, the codex became the standard format for books, and scrolls were no longer generally used. After the contents of a parchment scroll were copied in codex format, the scroll was seldom preserved. The majority of those that did survive were found by archaeologists in burial pits and in the buried trash of forgotten communities.
(10.4) Living Archive: Books. Jan Tschichold’s Penguin paperbacks are design icons. In the late 1940s his strict composition rules set high standards for the book as a mass-produced product. Yet from printing’s earliest beginnings books did more than bring uniformity to the machine à lire. Fortunately there have always been printers, binders and later also designers who strove for innovation in type and typo-graphy, in the relation between image (including photography) and text, in the use of paper and in finish The Allard Pierson in Amsterdam book and graphic design collections document that evolution from Nicolas Jenson, Albert Magnus, Giambattista Bodoni and William Morris to El Lissitzky and Jurriaan Schrofer. That is what made the 2003 acquisition of Irma Boom’s ‘living archive’ so relevant: she, too, explores new paths in the tradition.
Her design and editorial style emerge from her own individualistic ideas, which bind content and form insep-arably. That makes her oeuvre unique.
IB studied at the architect in Enschede, in the eastern Netherlands. This Academy of Art & Design was founded in the late 1940s to provide design talent for the then flourishing local textile industry. It was a small, intimate school, with a progressive and autonomous character. IB originally wished to become a painter, but at the academy a love of book design quickly took root and grew. While attending the multi: day AKI FluxFest including performances and an exhibition, she came in direct contact with this move-ment, which continues to fascinate her. She graduated as a graphic designer, and on Jurriaan Schrofers advice she began work in 1985 at the Government Printing and Publishing Office (SDU) in The Hague. Her first commissions, still as a trainee, were for the corporate identity of the Ministry of Welfare, Health and Cultural Affairs, designed by Walter Nikkels (. 1940). The collaboration with him inspired her, and in the early years of her career, one can certainly see Nikkel’s influence and that of other leading figures in graphic design. Soon, however, IB set off on her own tempestuous course. This is already clear in the annual reports she made for the Dutch Arts Council for the years 1987 and 1988. The Council gave her a free hand (who reads those brochures anyway?) and she made full use of that freedom. The reports show several design elements that were to appear repeatedly in her work. That of 1987, for example, in a Japanese binding – inspired by the art magazine Wendingen – shows a foredge in colour. Noteworthy in the report for 1988, in addition to is full-page colour compositions, is the wide range of sizes of type used fort continuous texts, set in extremely lot lines and printed in three colours.
The publication that was to establish IB’s name was Nederlandse Post-zegels 87+88 (1988), two volumes in an extensive series about postage stamp issues, with earlier volumes by Karel Martens, Wim Crouwel and Anthon Beeke. In these catalogues for the then state-owned PTT (now PostnI), IB demanded, and was given, plenty of space to go deeper into her chosen theme of ‘inspiration’. She worked intensively for three months on the research and design, much of it devoted to selecting and planning the illustrations. It became clear she would overrun her budget consider-ably, but the client agreed to go ahead with the project. All possibilities of Japanese binding were explored here; thus the inside of the transparent paper has also been printed. Incidentally, the volumes were not perfect bound – an option not available for larger runs at the time – but the two parts were stapled.
Images and text run across the fold, providing an extraordinary kinetic effect when leafing through the book.
Anyone could see that these postage stamp books paid no heed to the generally proper and respectable design of the earlier volumes, which had also been produced in a some-what smaller format (IB still shows, preference for broader book forman in her work today). The personal fie dom of the designer, which up unt then had been limited to trendy magazines, posters and covers, now manifested itself in a serious catalogue for collectors. The rules of readability were provocatively violated: these post modern books tend towards autonomous design, while their function as a reference work becomes secondary.
They reaped both praise and scorn.
‘A brilliant failure’, reckoned the jury of the Best Dutch Book Designs. Only in the mid-1990s would ideas about the ‘designer as author’ really pay of. The uproar didn’t deter the CPNB (Collective Propaganda for the Dutch Book), who turned to IB to design the catalogue The Best Book Designs 1989.
She presented a rock-solid plan. By using paper that was glossy on one side and by trimming the margin slightly closer on every second leaf, she allowed the reader to flip through the leaves from front to back for the jury reports or from back to front for the full-colour glossy images of the selected works. At her request, the often blandly interchangeable jury reports for the awards were replaced with excerpts from the jury’s delib-erations, providing insights into the selection process. For IB this catalogue remains one of her personal favourites. After more than five years, she left her employer. Anthon Beeke had roused her to action and in 1991 she set up as an independent designer in Amsterdam’s Jordan quarter and began working on an Apple Macintosh. She deliberately limits the staff at her office to a minimum, with generally no more than two permanent employees.
In 2015, current and former interns and assistants described in an entertaining publication how challenging, demanding and educational they found working with her. The office has about fifteen book projects in various stages of completion going at any one time, along with many other commis-sions. From the outset most of the clients came from the cultural world, such as smaller art centres like De Appel (Amsterdam) and later the Amsterdam Rijksmuseum, and international institutions like the Fonda-zione Prada in Milan and the Bard Graduate Center and the MOMA, both in NYC. She designed numerous catalogues for De Appel from 1990 to 2005. One of her finest publications for them is certainly the modest The Spine (no. 53): seven separate quires held together by the long threads of the sewing in the folds.
Since the late 1980s, making small scale models has been part of IB’s design process. As she works from outside to inside, the models are also useful in that respect. Of course these minis often are, comparatively, extremely thick, but is loves voluminous books. One of her bulkiest volumes to date is certainly the 1996 SHV Think Book, according to many her magnum opus. This huge commission came from entrepreneur Paul Fentener van Vlissingen (1941-2006). He was then CEO of the multinational company SHV, a trader and distributor in the fields of energy and consumer goods. She first designed a private publication on the occasion of Van Vlissingen’s fiftieth birthday in 1991. Soon afterwards, he gave her and art historian Johan Pijnappel the commission to mark the 100th anniversary of the family firm in 1996 with an ‘unusual’ production.
Van Vlissingen offered them plenty of leeway as well as his full trust in their judgement. ‘For Irma and Johan,’ he said in 2004, ‘it must have been an extraordinary commission, allowing them to devote not just a few weeks but a five years to a subject. What lies at the heart of the SHV? What happens there? How do people there interact?
Where do they come from? Why are they active in the coal trade? Why are they active in the Makro wholesale stores? Where are decisions made? How does it relate to personal circum-stances? They spoke to many people in the firm and after a while everyone knew who Irma and Johan were.“* Three and a half years were spent on research before the actual design began. The format and extent of the book were already established at the beginning of the project. The monumental book appeared in May 1996: 2136 pages presenting a nonacademic history of the company in reverse chronological order by means of widely varying material, such as photos, reports, advertisements and other archival documents. IB and Pijnappel do not skirt around the painful departure of SHV Makro from South Africa in the mid-198os, forced by a Dutch action group’s arson attacks, which brought SHV much negative publicity at the time. This is a book made for non-linear reading, for browsing, and page numbers are therefore deemed unnecessary. That ‘digital’ characteristic is strengthened by the rendering of the wide variety of images as if they were stills from a video. Lots of more or less hidden graphic treasures await discovery here. The title on the white linen cover, for example, becomes visible only after intensive use. Truly spectacular are the printed hidden fore-edge images: fanned slightly in one direction the edge shows a field of tulips, in the other Gerrit Achter-berg’s poem Bolero van Ravel. This exploration of the edge has become one of in’s trademarks. In addition to the English edition, there is a Chinese edition bound in black linen.
The book never appeared on the market, but was distributed to a small circle of shareholders. (What would a fair trade price have been?) Although the private commission of art and design has a long tradition and by design, where IB is concerned. When Koolhaas signed copies of S, M, L, XL at an Amsterdam bookshop in December 1995, she stood among the many fans along the canal waiting for a signed copy. She also took one along for Van Vlissingen, and was somehow shocked that a book this size just got finished before theirs. A few years later, is and Koolhaas began collaborating on projects. S, M, L, XL and the SHV book incidentally seem to have initiated a trend in hefty design monographs. Pentagram Book Five (1999) runs to almost 500 pages, Mau’s Life Style (2000) is over 600 pages, and Alan Fletcher’s The Art Of Looking Sideways (2001) is over 500 pages. For the production of her books, 1B prefers to work with a fixed group of innovative Dutch firms she can rely on. It allows her to guide and oversee the printing and binding at close range, which she considers essential. Unfor-tunately, the number of Dutch printing firms and book binderies has dramatically declined since the 2000s, a downhill spiral that continues to the present day. IB, however, doesn’t allow a concept of hers to be constrained by any technical issues. Only by breaking through them, she believes, can the book medium retain its vitality. The only technical obstacle she has not yet managed to overcome is the thickness of a book. A mechanical book bindery can only manage up to eleven centimetres. She (almost never considers hand finishing as an option: industrial production is user as a matter of principle. In her own words: ‘I don’t build villas, I build social housing.’
(10.5) Scale and Size. According to Claude LĂ©vi-Strauss the strength and the appeal of small things lie with the fact that they reverse the cognitive process.
When we wish to become acquainted with an actual (and large) object in its entirety, we tend to start with the parts, with manageable segments.
By breaking it into pieces, it becomes comprehensible. Once the scale of an object is reduced, however, precisely the opposite occurs: it is easier to deal with it all at one time, and that increases one’s power over the object.
LĂ©vi-Strauss described this process in the following way: "This quantitative conversion (the reduction] expands and multiplies our power over a depiction of the object; because of this, the object can be held in one’s hand and weighed, and seen at a single glance.’

(11)

2013

Das Ende einer Last

GĂŒnter Karl Bose

Ein Buch entsteht durch die feste Verbindung seiner Lagen, die wiederum ein Umschlag vor ihrer Auflösung schĂŒtzt. Als visuelles und greifbares Erlebnis mag es ganz nach den UmstĂ€nden, dem Licht, den Stimmungen, dem Geruch oder der Weichheit des Papiers anders wahrgenommen werden, es bleibt dennoch ein gefĂŒgtes Ganzes. BĂŒcher sind GegenstĂ€nde. Sie beanspruchen Raum. Ob eng neben einander im Regal stehend, ob auf dem Schreibtisch gestapelt, ob auf dem Boden aufgetĂŒrmt oder verstreut, ob achtlos liegengelassen oder kunstvoll drapiert. Sie lassen sich nicht „in der Luft verstecken“. (1), sondern bleiben der Schwerkraft unterworfen. Sie stehen oder fallen, und es mag vorkommen, dass Regale unter ihrer Last zusammenbrechen. Obwohl man sie verschenken oder verlieren oder schließlich sogar wegwerfen und zerstören kann, solange man nicht ganz auf ihren Besitz verzichtet, werden sie eine Last sein. BĂŒcher gibt es nur im Plural, ihr Erscheinen ist auf Vervielfachung angelegt.(2) Die Zahl der gegenwĂ€rtig etwa 90.000 Titel, die jĂ€hrlich in Deutschland bibliographisch erfaßt werden, steht fĂŒr nicht weniger als eine Milliarde tatsĂ€chlich gedruckter Exemplare.
Die Angst, die wachsende Zahl der BĂŒcher könne ihren Lesern den Raum zum Leben nehmen, wie sie Wolfgang Menzel schon 1828 spĂŒrt, scheint abgeklungen. „So baut sich um uns die unermeßliche BĂŒchermasse, die mit jedem Tage wĂ€chst, und wir erstaunen ĂŒber das Ungeheure dieser Erscheinung, ĂŒber das neue Wunder der Welt, die cyklopischen Mauern, die der Geist sich grĂŒndet. Nach einem mĂ€ĂŸigen Überschlage werden jĂ€hrlich in Deutschland zehn Millionen BĂ€nde neu gedruckt. [... ] Wohin wir uns wenden, erblicken wir BĂŒcher und Leser. Auch die kleinste Stadt hat ihre Leseanstalt, der Ă€rmste Honoratior seine Handbibliothek. Was wir auch in der einen Hand haben mögen, in der anderen haben wir gewiß immer ein Buch.“(3)
Menzel, ein streitbarer Geist des deutschen VormĂ€rz, hat es noch miterlebt, wie ein ganzes Volk in weniger als einem Jahrhundert vollstĂ€ndig alphabetisiert wird und die Gesamtzahl der in deutscher Sprache verlegten BĂŒcher sich nahezu verzehnfacht, von den 2.594 Titeln im Jahr 1800 auf 18.875 Titel im Jahr 1890 anwĂ€chst. (4)
Zwischen 1911 und 1950, hat Hans Ferdinand Schulz Jo berechnet, erscheinen in Deutschland nicht weniger als insgesamt 854.394 BĂŒcher, darunter sind 151.086 Titel [24,4%] als Neuauflage bereits vorher veröffentlichter BĂ€nde. (5) Nach Sachgruppen differenziert, entfallen 18,3% auf die Belletristik, 12,2% der BĂŒcher sind den Rechts- und Sozialwissenschaften, der Politik oder der Verwaltung zuzurechnen, 8,2 % der Religion und Theologie, 7,5% sind SchulbĂŒcher. (6) Schulz’ Fleiß- und ZĂ€hlarbeit findet keine Fortsetzung. Zahlen zur Buchproduktion in der zweiten HĂ€lfte des 20. Jahrhunderts liegen nicht vor.
Die von Menzel beschworenen BĂŒchermassen sind mehr ein literarisches Phantasma als RealitĂ€t. TatsĂ€chlich war der BĂŒcherbesitz Ă€ußerst gering. Einen Markt fĂŒr BĂŒcher gab es in Deutschland in der ersten HĂ€lfte des 19.Jahrhunderts nur in sehr bescheidenem Umfang. In den Jahren vor der Revolution 1848 schien er fast ganz zu kollabieren: „Die reichen Leute, welche sonst BĂŒcher kauften, hielten ihr Geld fest, da sie stets einen Umsturz erwarteten“, berichtet ein Zeitgenosse. „Die Zeitungspresse nahm Alles in Anspruch, es hatte Niemand Zeit etwas Anderes zu lesen als Zeitungen.“(7)
Statt sich mit großen BĂŒcherlasten zu beschweren, sitzt man auf leichtem GepĂ€ck, um, sollte es nötig sein, das Land schnell verlassen zu können. BĂŒcher werden in Deutschland nicht gekauft, sondern ausgeliehen. Die Reichen halten sich mit KĂ€ufen zurĂŒck und wollen nicht verstehen, wie „Jemand die Wand mit BĂŒchern tapezieren“ kann. „Alle BedĂŒrfnisse sind ja fĂŒr wenige Pfennige in der Leihbibliothek zu befriedigen.“(8)
Die Klage des BuchhĂ€ndlers Wustmann wird von amtlicher Seite bestĂ€tigt: „Ein Deutscher, der ein Buch kauft, ist ein besonderer Mensch“, heißt es in den ,Preußischen JahrbĂŒchern“.(9) Das „große BedĂŒrfniß nach LektĂŒre“ und die „ausufernde Production“ entsprechen sich nicht. Was sich nicht schnell genug verkaufen lĂ€ĂŸt, muss, um die eingesetzten Kapitalien zu sichern, unter Wert verkauft werden. Leipzig, die Stadt der Verlage, heißt auch die Stadt der Schleuderer.
Arbeitern und Handwerkern fehle um die Jahrhundertmitte selbst das wenige Geld fĂŒr die Leihbibliotheken. Ende des Jahrhunderts leben immerhin noch fast 20% der Bevölkerung unter dem Existenzminimum. 1872 wird der Gesamtumsatz an BĂŒchern im Deutschen Reich auf acht Millionen Taler beziffert, kaum achtzig Pfennig pro Kopf. Das Lesepublikum hĂ€lt sich nicht an BĂŒcher, sondern an Journale und Zeitungen. Sie sind billiger und leichter zu erreichen. „Die LektĂŒre“ sei, stellt 1842 der preußische Innenminister fest, „unleugbar zum VolksbedĂŒrfnisse geworden“.(10)
Befriedigen lĂ€ĂŸt sich das BedĂŒrfnis allerdings nicht in Bibliotheken, auch nicht in den preußischen, denn dort gilt immer noch die Regel, daß ohne „eine gehörige Sicherheit“ niemandem ein Buch in die Hand gegeben wird. Vom Zugang zu den „Schatzkammern des menschlichen Geistes“, wie Leibniz die Bibliotheken einmal nannte, bleiben die meisten Menschen ausgeschlossen.(11, 12) Mit EinfĂŒhrung der Gewerbefreiheit nimmt die Zahl der Leihbibliotheken weiter zu. Im Jahr 1865 erfaßt das Adreßbuch des Börsenvereins 617, 1880 schon 1.056 Leihbibliotheken. Wittmann geht in seiner Geschichte des deutschen Buchhandels.(13, 14) von einer wenigstens doppelt so hohen Zahl aus. Erst die starke Konkurrenz, die dem Buch durch illustrierte BlĂ€tter wie Die Gartenlaube (1853-1938] oder Über Land und Meer (1858-1923) und durch die weiter steigenden Auflagen der Zeitungen erwĂ€chst, bremsen die Expansion der Leihbibliotheken.
Um 1900 haben sie ihre großen Zeit schon hinter sich. Das Bild des Buchhandels und der Lesekultur verĂ€ndert sich, seit Ende der 1860er Jahre beginnen Verlage, BĂŒcher von einfachster Ausstattung, oft nur broschiert, in Reihen erscheinen zu lassen. Weil auf Verlags- und Urheberrechte von Autoren, deren Tod dreißig Jahre zurĂŒckliegt, keine RĂŒcksicht mehr zu nehmen ist, kann das Erbe der Klassik jetzt nach neuen MaßstĂ€ben vermarktet werden. Reclams Universalbibliothek, 1867 gegrĂŒndet, von der bis ins Jahr 1898 allein 3.810 Nummern vorliegen, beginnt programmatisch mit der Veröffentlichung von Goethes Faust I und II. Schon in den ersten Monaten nach Erscheinen werden 20.000 Exemplare verkauft. Von Friedrich Schillers Wilhelm Tell, dem erfolgreichsten Buch der Reihe, können bis 1917 nicht weniger als 2,3 Millionen Exemplare abgesetzt werden, die Ausgaben von Ibsens Dramen bringen es auf 4,5 Millionen Exemplare. Die Nationalbibliothek sĂ€mtlicher deutscher Classiker des Verlags Hempel wird fĂŒr zweieinhalb Groschen je Lieferung verkauft und startet mit einer Auflage von 150.000 Exemplaren, ist aber weit weniger erfolgreich als Reclams Reihe.
Mit zeitgenössischer Literatur lĂ€sst sich nur im Zeitungsformat Geld verdienen. Ihre Romane je als Buch gedruckt zu sehen, können Autoren nur hoffen. Die Auflagenhöhe bleibt in jedem Fall moderat; denn absetzen lassen sich die BĂŒcher zunĂ€chst nur an Leihbibliotheken.
„99 Procent der Deutschen Roman- und Novellen-Schreiber verdanken ihren Namen und ihre Existenz nur den Leihbibliotheken, zu welchen sie in dem VerhĂ€ltnis der Fabrikanten stehen“(15), konstatiert 1883 Otto Glagau. In der hĂ€uslichen Bibliothek stellt man Romane nicht auf. Sie werden buchstĂ€blich zerlesen oder wandern zurĂŒck in die Leihbibliothek. Zum ĂŒblichen Bestand der besseren Haushalte gehören auch Ende des Jahrhunderts nur BĂŒcher, die einen lĂ€ngeren Nutzen versprechen: ein Meyers- oder Brockhaus-Lexikon, einige FachbĂŒcher, eine Goethe-, eine Schiller-Ausgabe, wenige illustrierte Werke und SammelbĂ€nde der populĂ€ren Journale.
Im 19. Jahrhundert sind die meisten der in den Wohnungen vorhandenen BĂŒcher eher Hausrat als aktueller Lesestoff.(16) Viele dieser zumeist religiösen Werke, Bibeln, GesangbĂŒcher oder Hauspostillen, werden seit Generationen vererbt. Literatur kommt nicht vor. „Eine Hauspostill, ein Gesangbuch und ein Calender, und alle drey offt erbarmlich eingerichtet, das ist die ganze Leserey unserer meisten BĂŒrger“, bemerkt 1774 Schubart.(17) Rund 90% der Arbeiter und Handwerker, der Soldaten, der unteren und der mittleren Beamten haben um 1800 in Frankfurt nur minimalen oder gar keinen BĂŒcherbesitz. Selbst die HĂ€lfte aller Kaufleute besitzt nicht ein einziges Buch.(18) „Bis weit ĂŒber die Jahrhundertmitte fĂ€llt nahezu die HĂ€lfte der Gesamtbevölkerung als Leser aus.“(19)
Noch im Jahr 1886 beurteilt die Deutsche Schriftstellerzeitung die ZustĂ€nde, als hĂ€tten Jahrzehnte der Alphabetisierung wenig oder nichts bewirkt: „Weit ĂŒber die HĂ€lfte der Bevölkerung Preußens ist fĂŒr die Literatur verloren. Viel leicht ist es einem kommenden Jahrtausend vorbehalten, auch dieses tiefste Proletariat zu heben und heranzubilden, heutzutage aber ist es eine Unmöglichkeit.“ Immerhin kostet ein Roman um diese Zeit gerade soviel wie das Abonnement einer Zeitung fĂŒr ein Vierteljahr. Das lesende Publikum im 19. Jahrhundert, das die materiellen wie die intellektuellen Voraussetzungen fĂŒr LektĂŒre und Bucherwerb mit bringt, sei allein der „obere Mittelstand, das BĂŒrgertum im eigentlichen Sinn“ gewesen, schreibt Reinhard Wittmann.(20)
Nach dem Steueraufkommen bemessen, weisen 1890 die Statistiken 2,75 Millionen Familien als Angehörige dieses Standes aus, 22 % der gesamten Bevölkerung des Deutschen Reiches. TatsĂ€chlich ist der Ertrag aus Religion, Wissenschaft, Kunst und Literatur unter den Menschen des 19. Jahrhunderts ungleich verteilt. WĂ€hrend in den meisten Stuben selbst das bescheidenste Bord fĂŒr BĂŒcher fehlt, wird es in den Wohnungen gebildeter BĂŒrger schon um 1880 eng. „Bei der Bildung einer Privatbibliothek darf heute ein anderer Umstand von Wichtigkeit nicht ĂŒbersehen werden, das ist die Platzfrage. Unsere Wohnungen haben wenig Platz fĂŒr die Aufstellung großer BĂŒchermassen.“(21)
Dass sich unter solchen UmstĂ€nden die Gunst des Publikums „von den schönen Folianten und Quartanten“ abwendet und darum der „Compilation, den gedrĂ€ngten Ausgaben oder solchen in kleinem Format“ mehr Beachtung schenkt, kann als selbstverstĂ€ndlich angenommen werden. DrĂ€ngender noch als die Notwendigkeit, Raum zu sparen, wird die Entscheidung fĂŒr die richtigen BĂŒcher: „Wer ist im Stande, bei der heutigen Ueberproduction eine richtige Auswahl zu treffen? Man fragt sich mit Recht, was wird aus alle den Hunderten und Tausenden von BĂŒchern werden, die jetzt in Mode sind? Wie viele von ihnen werden wohl ihr Leben ĂŒber die nĂ€chsten fĂŒnfundzwanzig Jahr hinaus fristen?“ – Bange Fragen.
Trost lĂ€ĂŸt sich aus der Geschichte nicht ziehen: „Von den etwa 50.000 besseren Erscheinungen des siebzehnten Jahrhunderts geniessen heute etwa nur noch 100 Werke ein hohes unbestrittenes Ansehen und von den 80.000 hervorragenden Erscheinungen des achtzehnten Jahrhunderts hat man kaum 300 Werke durch einen Neudruck in unserer Zeit fĂŒr werth gehalten, vor der Vergessenheit und dem Untergange bewahrt zu werden.“(22)
Auf der 1895 in Dresden abgehaltenen Versammlung der Association Litteraire et Artistique Internationale, zu deren GrĂŒndern 1876 Victor Hugo gehört, diskutiert man die Erarbeitung einer Bibliographie sĂ€mtlicher seit Gutenbergs Erfindung erschienener BĂŒcher. Grundlage der kontroversen Debatte sind die Berechnungen zweier französischer Bibliophiler. Charles Nodier hat die Zahl aller bis 1820 erschienener BĂŒcher mit 3.277.000 BĂ€nden angegeben, Gabriele Peignot da gegen rechnet fĂŒr den gleichen Zeitraum mit nur 3.681.000 publizierten BĂŒchern. „Die Berechnungen sind“, muß 1896 der Antiquar MĂŒhlbrecht zugeben, „natĂŒrlich ganz uncontrollirbar.“ Sie reizen ihn dennoch, die Zahlen Nodiers zu einem eindrucksvollen Bild zu verdichten: „Nimmt man an, dass jedes Werk durchschnittlich in dreihundert Exemplaren gedruckt sei und dass jeder Band einen Zoll breit sei, so wĂŒrden alle diese BĂ€nde neben einander gestellt eine LĂ€nge von 18207 geographischen Meilen haben, also das Doppelte des Erdumfanges.“
[1] „Rastelli konnte Sachen in der Luft verstecken.“ Walter Benjamin: Denkbilder – Kleine Versteck-Lehre.In: Gesammelte Werke.Bd. V/1., S. 398
[2] Cf. zur Statistik des Buchhandels u.a. Hans Ferdinand Schulz: Das Schicksal der BĂŒcher und der Buchhandel. Elemente einer Vertriebskunde des Buches. Mit Tabellen. Berlin 1952. „Es gehört zum Wesen des Buches, daß es in vielen Exemplaren vor kommt.“ [S.133]
[3] Wolfgang Menzel: Die deutsche Literatur. Erster Theil. Stuttgart 1828, S. 1f.
[4] Schulz: Das Schicksal der BĂŒche 
, a.a.O., S. 11. 1800 – 2.594 Titel, 1860 – 7.284 Titel, 1890 – 18.875 Titel, 1913 – 35.078 Titel, 1927 – 31.026 Titel, 1931 – 20.228 Titel, 1943 – 15.567, 1950 – 18.055 Titel
[5] Schulz, a.a.O., S.14)
[6] Schulz, a.a.O., S. 60)
[7] August Prinz: Der Buchhandel vom Jahre 1815 bis zum Jahre 1843. Bausteine zu einer spĂ€teren Geschichte des Buchhandels. Altona 1855 [Heidelberg 1981], S. 26f. Zit. n. Reinhard Wittmann: Geschichte des deutschen Buchhandels. MĂŒnchen 2011, S. 252. Wittmann nimmt an, daß um 1850 kaum mehr als „knapp ein Viertel“ der Erwachsenen ĂŒberhaupt lesen konnte, gerade soviel wie der Anteil des Mittelstandes an der Bevölkerung.
[8] G. Wustmann: Der deutsche Buchhandel auf der Weltausstellung in Philadephia. In: Die Grenzboten, 1876, S. 321–330. Zit. n. Geschichte des deutschen Buchhandels, S. 293
[9] Der deutsche Sortimentsbuchhandel.In: Preußische JahrbĂŒcher 53 [1884], S. 90
[10] Zit n. Geschichte des deutschen Buchhandels, S. 252
[11] Cf. Horst Kunze: Das große Buch vom Buch. Eine Geschichte des Buches und des Buchgewerbes von den AnfĂ€ngen bis heute vorgestellt in Wort und Bild. Berlin 1983, S.157. t, ausgeliehen zu werden. Vom Erfolgsbuch des Jahrhunderts, Gustav Freitags Soll und Haben, sind bei Borstel nicht weniger als 2.315 Umlaufexemplare vorhanden, von Joseph Victor von Scheffels Ekkehard 1.317, von E. Marlitts Goldelse 1.285 und von Gottfried Kellers ,GrĂŒnem Heinrich immerhin noch 758 ausleihbare BĂ€nde
[12] Cf. Wittmann: Geschichte des deutschen Buchhandels, S. 277
[13] Ebd., S. 276. „Nach amtlichen ZĂ€hlungen gab es 1846 in Preußen 656 Leihbibliotheken, in Sachsen 117, in Bayern 66, von denen auch in großem Umfang auswĂ€rtige, vor allem lĂ€ndliche Kunden per Post beliefert wurden.“
[14] Ebd., S. 255
[15] Otto Glagau [1883]. Zit. n. Geschichte des deutschen Buchhandels, S.275. BestĂ€nde der Leihbibliotheken cf. u.a. GEORG JÄGER / VALESKA RUDEL: Die deutschen Leihbibliotheken zwischen 1860 und 1914. Analyse der Funktionskrise und Statistik der BestĂ€nde. In: Monika Dimpel / Georg JĂ€ger [Hg.]: Zur Sozialgeschichte der deutschen Literatur im 19. Jahrhundert. TĂŒbingen 1990, Teil II, S.198-295
[16]Rudolf Schenda: Volk ohne Buch. Studien zur Sozialgeschichte der populĂ€ren Lesestoffe 1770–1910. Frankfurt/Main 1988 [3. Aufl.], S. 464
[17] Zit.n. Franz Quarthal: Leseverhalten und LesefĂ€higkeit in Schwaben vom 16. bis 19. Jahrhundert Zur Auswertungsmöglichkeit von Inventuren und Teilungen. In: Die alte Stadt 2-3, 1989, S. 347. Der Autor geht von einem „normalen Buchbesitz bis zur Mitte des 19. Jahrhunderts von drei, dann zehn und selten zwanzig BĂŒchern“ aus. [Ebd.,S. 342)
[18] Rudolf Schenda: Volk ohne Buch... S. 464.- „In Goethes Vaterstadt besaßen um 1800 nur die höheren Beamten so viele BĂŒcher, daß man annehmen darf, sie hĂ€tten fĂŒnf oder mehr gebundene Druckwerke im Jahr gelesen.“ [Ebd., S. 459]. Die aus der Auswertung von Inventar- und Teilungsakten gewonnenen Zahlen lassen sich nur schwer verallgemeinern. Aus durchschnittlich zehn BĂŒchern bestand, hat Hilde Neumann rekonstruiert, die HausbĂŒcherei TĂŒbinger Handwerker im 18. Jahrhundert. Es handelte sich ausschließlich um religiöse Literatur, um GesangbĂŒcher, Bibeln, Gebets-, AndachtsbĂŒcher und Hauspostillen. Literatur fehlte vollstĂ€ndig. Cf. Hilde Neumann: Der BĂŒcherbesitz der TĂŒbinger BĂŒrger von I750 bis 1850. Diss. TĂŒbingen 1955, S. 5ff. – In 301 untersuchten Inventaren aus den Jahren 1840–1850 fand sich nur ein einziger Nachweis fĂŒr eine Goethe-Ausgabe. Die Gedichtsammlung hatte einem Uhrmacher gehört. [Ebd., S. 91]
[19] Rudolf Schenda: Volk ohne Buch... , S. 445f.
[20] Cf. Wittmanna: Geschichte des deutschen Buchhandels, S.288.
[21] Otto MĂŒhlbrecht: Die BĂŒcherliebhaberei ... , a.a.O., S. 7, „Ein moderner Gelehrter wird in seiner Bibliothek kaum 2–3000 BĂ€nde unterbringen können, wenn er ĂŒberhaupt das GlĂŒck hat, sich dauernd einen Raum dafĂŒr sichern zu können.“ [Ebd.,S. 7] [22] Ebd., S. 6

(12)

1971

The Whole Earth Catalog

Stewart Brand

Access to Publishing. The operational word on the cover of the CATALOG is access. Ultimately that means giving the reader access from where he is to where he wants to be. Which takes work, work takes tools, tools need finding, and that’s where we come in. A good catalog is a quick-scan array of tools, where you can find what you want easily, with detailed information where you’re interested. Our attempt to fulfill these requirements led to use-based section headings (Shelter, Land Use, Communications, etc.), an alphabetic index, and page-theme layout. On each page we try to have one graphic which “keys the page”, tells with a glance what’s there. The hardest thing we had to learn was providing simple dear demarcation between items – an unadorned line. We publish considerable detailed information – fine print. Sorting among that is aided by a consistent code of type-faces (reviews are always “uni vers italic”, access is always “teeny”. Divine Right is always “bold teeny”, and so forth). The IBM Selectric Composer makes this an easy matter. Still we’re not as consistent as we should be.In descending order of importance, our layout guidelines are: accuracy, clarity, quantity of information, appearance.
Glamorous white space has no value in a catalog except as occasional eye rest. I figure the reader can close his eyes when he’s tired. I keep coming back to the reader/user because that’s who the editor represents. I’ve had to feel that my obligations to Portola Institute, to staff, friends, relatives, and to myself are all secondary. So are obligations to authors, suppliers, publishers, other editors. Usually there’s no conflict, but when there is the editor has to see that the reader wins. The editor’s main mechanical task is determining efficient use of production time and page space. It’s like spreading hard butter on soft bread, best if you cut the task into workable hunks and distribute them evenly. I use McBee cards, one for each item, for rough editing. I know from looking at previous CATALOGS and the new material approximately how many pages should be in the, say, Nomadics Section – 61 pp. So I take the stack of McBee cards punch-coded for that section and break them down into categories – mountain stuff, car stuff, outdoor suppliers, survival books, etc. Then those subpiles are put in some sensible sequence. Then on a big table the cards are separated further into 61 little page-stacks, by pairs (the reader sees 2 pages at a time, not one). The contents of those piles are written on my desk dummy. The cards are stacked in page sequence, and I’ve got a section rough edited.

(13)

2022

Stereotype

Deborah Flierl

Die Schrift: Emanzipatorisches oder patriarchalisches Tool? Wir leben in einer Schriftkultur(23):Als Kinder lernen wir Lesen und Schreiben und wachsen in einer Gesellschaft auf, die angewandte Schrift als selbstverstĂ€ndliche Grundvoraussetzung zur allgemeinen VerstĂ€ndigung akzeptiert. Sie wird auch zur gesellschaftlichen Ordnung benutzt, welche beispielsweise auf allen Ebenen durch schriftliche Vertr.ge organisiert ist. Dabei war die Schrift schon immer eng mit der Kultur verknĂŒpft: Historisch wurden Schriftzeichen im kulturellen Kontext genutzt, um Wertvorstellungen, wissenschaftliche Erkenntnisse und geschichtliche Ereignisse, die in Niederschriften manifestiert wurden, an nachfolgende Generationen weiterzugeben. In der neueren Geschichte besaß Lesen und Schreiben eine Deutungshoheit, die Aristokraten und Geistlichen vorbehalten war. SchriftstĂŒcke und Bücher waren in der Regel nicht fĂŒr gemeine BĂŒrger*innen zugĂ€nglich, wodurch die damit zugeschriebene Allwissenheit der höheren StĂ€nde noch untermauert und MachtansprĂŒche gefestigt werden konnten. Mit den Worten von Michael Giesecke ausgedrĂŒckt ist Wissen „ein Spezialfall von Information, der sich u.a. dadurch auszeichnet, dass er von der kulturellen Gemeinschaft als wichtig fĂŒr die kulturelle Reproduktion erklĂ€rt und zum Gegenstand von organisierten Lehr- und Lernprozessen gemacht wird.“(24)
Die vermeintlich neutrale wissenschaftliche Erkenntnisgewinnung spiegelt also immer vor allem die Sichtweisen der dominierenden Gruppen wider – vorwiegend bestehend aus mĂ€nnlichen Personen –, die dieses Wissen generieren und somit auch beeinflussen können.(25)
Eine Hierarchisierung von Geschlechtern innerhalb der Gesellschaft wurde frĂŒher ebenso wissenschaftlich begrĂŒndet. Emilia Roig verdeutlicht: „Lange Zeit wurde sie [die Wissenschaft] als Rechtfertigung fĂŒr die UnterdrĂŒckung verschiedener gesellschaftlicher Gruppen genutzt. Pseudowissenschaftliche Theorien hielten Frauen von Machtpositionen fern. [
] Wissenschaft war nie nur neutral oder objektiv – sie ist von denjenigen, die dieses Wissen produzieren, weitestgehend geprĂ€gt.“(26)
So bestimmen die Entwicklung und AusprĂ€gung des sprach-schriftlichen Kommunikationssystems die Wissenstradierung und damit die Diskriminierung von Menschen, die nicht lesen und schreiben können. Diese UnterdrĂŒckung innerhalb der Gesellschaft aufgrund von Analphabetismus und beschrĂ€nkten Bildungsmöglichkeiten liegt dementsprechend auch in der Verwendung von Schriftzeichen begrĂŒndet. Das Bildungssystem war zudem lange Zeit fast ausschließlich fĂŒr Jungen zugĂ€nglich und förderte somit patriarchale Strukturen, in denen weiblich gelesene Personen von der Karriere und dem Einkommen ihrer MĂ€nner abhĂ€ngig waren, weil ihnen selbst die meisten Berufswege verwehrt blieben. Die Entwicklung neuer Drucktechniken seit Mitte des 15. Jahrhunderts erleichterte breiteren Massen den Zugang zu BĂŒchern und ermöglichte durch die sinkende Analphabet*innenquote innerhalb der Bevölkerung eine zunehmende Bildung.
Die Demokratisierung von Wissen – welches vor allem schriftlich gespeichert ist – ist ein ermĂ€chtigender Schritt in Richtung gesellschaftlicher Emanzipation. Deshalb stehen auch heute besonders Type Designer*innen vor der Herausforderung, inklusiv und intersektional zu arbeiten, indem sie beispielsweise Schriften gestalten, die möglichst weltweit einsetzbar sind. Der Zeichensatz der Noto Typeface von Google deckt mittlerweile mehr als 1.000 Sprachen ab.(27) Das BedĂŒrfnis nach einem umfassenden Language Support wird daran deutlich, dass sich die Zahl der in der Schriftart abbildbaren Sprachen 2022 im Vergleich zum Vorjahr verdoppelt hat.(28)
Die Type Designerin Lisa Huang gestaltete im Stil der Noto die erste digitale Version von NĂŒshu, der sogenannten Frauenschrift, die um die 400 Zeichen umfasst und bereits im 9. Jahrhundert in der sĂŒd-östlichen Provinz Hunan in China entstanden ist. Die Silbenschrift basiert auf der Phonetik des regionalen Dialektes Tuhua und ist die weltweit einzig bekannte geschlechtsspezifische Schrift, die ausschließlich von weiblich gelesenen Personen erfunden und benutzt wurde. Da ihnen eine Schulbildung verwehrt blieb und sie das offizielle Schriftsystem nicht erlernten, entwickelten die weiblich gelesenen Personen autodidaktisch ein eigenes Zeichensystem zur Kommunikation mit ihren Freund*innen und weiblichen Verwandten, die in anderen Dörfern oder StĂ€dten lebten. Auch das Schreiben eigener Texte, TagebucheintrĂ€ge oder Gedichte wurde zum traditionellen Kulturgut, das ĂŒber Generationen hinweg weitergegeben wurde. Die Kalligrafie-Werkzeuge der MĂ€nner durften sie nicht benutzen, also dienten ihnen HolzstĂŒcke als Stifte, verbrannte Asche als Tinte und FĂ€cher als Papier. Die strukturelle Ungleichheit der Geschlechter bedingte durch die benutzten Hilfsmittel zum Schreiben somit auch die Form der langgezogenen Zeichen der Moskito-Schrift(29), wie sie von den Schreiberinnen selbst genannt wurde. Durch die fortschreitende Alphabetisierung im letzten Jahrhundert hat die alte Schriftsprache zunehmend an Bedeutung verloren, rĂŒckte aber durch die Forschungsarbeit von Prof. Zhao Liming in das Öffentliche Interesse.(30) NĂŒshu wird in den Medien oft als eine Art Geheimschrift(31) beschrieben, die den unterdrĂŒckten weiblich gelesenen Personen dazu gedient haben soll, sich ĂŒber ihr Leid auszutauschen.(32)
TatsĂ€chlich war die Kommunikation alles andere als ein Mysterium, da sie keineswegs heimlich praktiziert wurde und außerdem laut vorgelesen die regionale Mundart wiedergab – ihr wurde bis dato schlichtweg kein Interesse beigemessen. Die Journalistin Ilaria Maria Sala kritisiert diesen medialen und mittlerweile auch kommerziellen Umgang mit der Geschichte: „I felt people were reading into it what they wanted, regardless of what it meant, at times for personal profit. Isn’t this the standard definition of cultural appropriation?” Die Legendenbildung um eine geheimnisvolle Schwursprache ist ein eindrĂŒckliches Beispiel fĂŒr die Instrumentalisierung des Patriarchats, die eine strukturelle UnterdrĂŒckung reproduziert und verstĂ€rkt.
Durch den Fokus auf eine visuelle, schriftliche Speicherung von Wissen werden heute noch immer bestimmte Minderheiten von großen Teilen des gesellschaftlichen Lebens ausgeschlossen: (Funktionale) Analphabet*innen oder Personen mit Sehbehinderung, die im Alltag durch existierende Barrieren nicht bedacht und diskriminiert werden, da sie sich beispielsweise nicht mithilfe von klassischen Orientierungssystemen zurechtfinden können.
Nicht nur deshalb wĂ€chst das BedĂŒrfnis nach Kommunikationsmöglichkeiten durch bildhafte Zeichen, die allgemeingĂŒltig und vor allem leicht verstĂ€ndlich sind. Im Öffentlichen Raum gibt es immer mehr Bildsymbole, die das alltĂ€gliche Zusammenleben vereinfachen sollen, beispielsweise durch den Einsatz von Piktogrammen im Öffentlichen Nahverkehr, die darauf hinweisen, dass bestimmte PlĂ€tze beeintrĂ€chtigten Personen vorbehalten sind. Obwohl die verwendeten Symbole vermeintlich neutral gestaltet sind, geben sie trotzdem meist Aufschluss auf das gesellschaftliche und kulturelle VerstĂ€ndnis, in dem sie auftreten. So werden Frauen in Piktogrammen in westlichen LĂ€ndern meist in knielangen Kleidern dargestellt, im arabischen Raum mit Hijab. FĂŒr diese visuelle Übersetzung von heteronormativen Stereotypen in Universalsprachen gibt es verschiedene Beispiele. Der avantgardistische Gestalter Karl Peter Röhl (1890 –1975) schaffte 1926, dem UniversalitĂ€tsanspruch der Moderne verschrieben, ein piktogrammartiges Zeichensystem, welches er fĂŒr verschiedene gesellschaftliche Institutionen entwickelte.
Durch den Einsatz im Öffentlichen Raum sollte die ikonische Symbolsprache möglichst allgemeingĂŒltig gestaltet sein.(33)
Ein Versuch neuer Berufszeichen visualisiert aber auch eine patriarchale Dominanz, bei der der Arzt durch ein quadratisches Kreuz dargestellt ist. Die Ärztin dagegen wird durch das gleiche Zeichen reprĂ€sentiert, allerdings mit einer negativen Aussparung, an der Stelle, an der die beiden sich ĂŒberlappenden Balken ĂŒberschneiden. Dadurch wird sie zu einem mangelhaften Abbild des Mannes. Die bildhafte oder symbolische Abbildung einer Leerstelle als weibliches Geschlecht geht auf Sigmund Freuds Theorie des „verlorengegangenen Penis des Weibes“(34) aus dem Jahr 1915 zurĂŒck, bei der die weiblichen Genitalien als Loch und damit Defizit gegenĂŒber dem Mann interpretiert wurden.(35)
Mitte der 1950er Jahre erarbeitete auch der Chemieingenieur Charles Bliss (1897 – 1985) mit seinen Blissymbolics den Versuch einer visuellen Universalsprache, welche jegliche Möglichkeit zum Machtmissbrauch ausschließen sollte, welche er selbst durch die Nazi-Propaganda im Zweiten Weltkrieg erfahren hatte. Die einzelnen Wörter werden durch ikonische Zeichen und semantische Assoziationen dargestellt. Trotz des BedĂŒrfnisses nach UniversalitĂ€t und InklusivitĂ€t weisen die Symbole aber reproduzierte strukturelle Diskriminierungen und phallogozentrisch aufgeladene Analogien auf, deren verknĂŒpfte Bedeutungsebenen ebenfalls auf bestimmte Art und Weise sozialisiert sind. Die Glyphen fĂŒr Frau und Mann veranschaulichen dabei eine gesamtgesellschaftlich verankerte, sexistische Ideologie, welche einer Universalsprache nicht gerecht werden kann. WĂ€hrend sich das Zeichen fĂŒr Mann aus einem vertikalen Strich und dem der Bedeutung fĂŒr Action zugeschriebenen Zeichen zusammensetzt, besteht jenes fĂŒr Frau aus der gleichen Linie und dem Zeichen fĂŒr Creation, einer Darstellung des weiblichen Schoßes.(36) Der Mann ist aktiv, die Frau passiv – beides stereotype geschlechtsspezifische Zuschreibungen.
In der heutigen digitalen Kommunikation ist die Entwicklung eines Zeichensatzes aus Emojis ein Ansatz fĂŒr eine VerstĂ€ndigung auf internationaler Ebene, die nicht an bestimmte Schriftsysteme gebunden ist, welche im kulturellen Kontext erlernt werden mĂŒssten. Trotzdem muss auch hier betont werden, dass ein Konsortium, welches die Aufnahme und die Gestaltung neuer Zeichen in den Unicode bestimmt, ĂŒber diese entscheidet. Es ist unmöglich, alle Menschen mit ihren kulturellen sowie individuellen HintergrĂŒnden durch eine solche Gruppe zu reprĂ€sentieren und abzubilden. Obwohl beispielsweise circa 550 Millionen Menschen einen Hijab tragen, wurde erst 2017 ein entsprechendes Bildsymbol in Unicode umgesetzt, nachdem zwei nicht-reprĂ€sentierte Musliminnen die Aufnahme initiiert hatten.(37)
Auch Emojis können also einer universellen Anforderung nicht entsprechen, da bestimmte marginalisierte Gruppen nicht oder nicht ausreichend vertreten werden können. Der stetige Zuwachs an Emojis mit variablen Hautfarben oder gesellschaftsspezifischen Details zeigt aber deutlich, dass die Bedeutung der einzelnen Symbole nicht nur ĂŒber die Ebene eines vereinfachten SprachverstĂ€ndnisses an sich hinausgehen, sondern auch eine gesellschaftliche Relevanz in sich tragen.
[23] Peter Stein, 2006, zit. nach Ott/ Rodney Ast: Textkulturen, in Thomas Meier/ Michael R. Ott/Rebecca Sauer (Hrsg.): Materiale Textkulturen. Konzepte – Materialien – Praktiken, Bd. 1, Berlin/Boston/ MĂŒnchen: De Gruyter, 2015, S. 195 [24] Giesecke, 2005, S. 15
[25] Vgl. Parbey, 2021
[26] Vgl. Parbey, 2021
[27] Vgl. Google: Google Noto Fonts, in Google, 2022, google.com/get/noto/ (04.08.2022).
[28] gl. Google: Google Noto Fonts, in Google, 2021, google.com/get/noto/ (06.02.2021)
[29] 100 Ilaria Maria Sala: What the world’s fascination with a female-only Chinese script says about cultural appropriation, in Quartz, 24.05.2018, qz.com/1271372/
what-the-worlds-fascination-with-nushu-a-female-only-chinese-script-says-about-cultural-appropriation/ (04.08.2022) [30] Vgl. Huang, 2020
[31] Vgl. Natalie Mayroth: Die Geheimnisse der Schwurschwestern, in SĂŒddeutsche Zeitung, 10.10.2016, sueddeutsche.de/wissen/china-die-geheimnisse-der-schwurschwestern-1.3195229 (04.08.2022)
[32] Vgl. Andrew Lofthouse: NĂŒshu: China’s secret female-only language, in BBC, 01.10.2020, bbc.com/travel/article/20200930-nshu-chinas-secret-female-only-language (04.08.2022)
[33] Vgl. Daniela Stöppel: Visuelle Zeichensysteme der Avantgarden 1910 bis 1950. Verkehrszeichen, Farbleitsysteme, Piktogramme, MĂŒnchen: Schreiber, 2014, S. 254–255
[34] Sigmund Freud, 1925, zit. nach Kohout, 2020, S. 12
[35] Vgl. Kohout, 2020, S. 12
[36] Vgl. Douglas Crockford: Mr. Symbol Man, 14.08.2019, in YouTube, youtube.com/ watch?v=HAjOJFEFbuI&t=148s (04.08.2022), 01:40–02:30
[37] The Hijab Emoji Project: Why a Hijab Emoji?, in The Hijab Emoji Project, 2016, hijabemoji.org (04.08.2022).

(14)

2022

Learn to Code vs. Code to Learn

Silvio Lorusso

(14.1) Creative Coding Beyond the Economic Imperative. Coding occupies a weird place within the field of graphic design. While it is recognized as a practice that profoundly shapes our artificial environment, its actual adoption within schools and studios is still minoritarian, to say the least. Moreover, as some of the interviews in this volume show, graphic designers are not always capable of perceiving the computational virtues of a project, such as an elegant workflow, or an ingenious generative process.
I speak from experience: in almost five years of teaching, I’ve caught a few students outsourcing the programming part of their projects. Several of them expressed frustration with and disinterest in coding, which is often framed as the mere execution of a creative idea. Sadly, a gendered component is also likely to be in play, probably as a result of women’s internalized estrangement from the so-called STEM (science, technology, engineering and mathematics). In fact, most of the students who at the very outset disclose to me that “coding is not their cup of tea” are women.
On the bright side, I have had the pleasure of seeing many complex code-heavy projects made by women designers. These projects were not about the Promethean hubris that code often inspires, or the proud display of the “power” of programming. Instead, they focused on the sociocultural aspects of coding as a practice that brings people together with machines and through machines. More on that later.
Should this practice be within the designer’s domain? This has been a question that has elicited ongoing and heated debate for as long as I can remember. The question, simply put, is “should designers have to be able to code?” For some notable practitioners, the answer is a hard yes. One of them is John Maeda. His position is unsurprising, since he created the language Design by Numbers, Processing’s predecessor, and he could be considered a pioneer of computational design.
Computational design is, according to Maeda, design that uses the fabric of anything involving computing, sensing and actuating. In his view, computational designers would not, at least in the near future, replace “classical designers” but simply work on different challenges.
Another position is more down to earth: sure, coding skills are nice to have, a skill that facilitates the dialog with developers, but in practice, the place of graphic, UI and even UX designers is the wireframe, the mockup, the clickable prototype designed in Illustrator or (goosebumps) Photoshop; and more recently in Figma, Sketch or Invision, with the occasional venture into CSS or SASS territory.
I don’t mean to offer yet another take on this vexata quaestio, but rather to zoom out on the frameworks we adopt when we consider coding as a practice. I hope to indicate two paradigms which influence and reconfigure each other. I will refer to them as Learn to Code and Code to Learn.
A clarification, before we start: in this essay I use the terms “coding”, “programming” and “hacking” interchangeably as the difference between them and their relative hierarchy is often fuzzy and artificial. However, as I will explain, they are ideologically attached to the paradigms.
(14.2) Learn to Code. In 2021, the economic imperative to train and retrain has never been so strong. After the pandemic’s dramatic impact on artists’ economies, a skepticism about “creative” work is emerging, portraying it as unproductive daydreaming, and a wholly unessential industry. The emphasis is now on hard labor and effectiveness. The fundamental idea of Learn to Code is that the ability to program is a historical necessity for people working at a useless or obsolete job, and that these people must serve the economic imperatives of capitalism. This servitude is referred to as “retraining”. Perhaps it is useful at this point to briefly reiterate the distinction between coders and programmers. While programmers are recognized as having an acknowledged and relatively arcane expertise with a correspondingly high salary, coding is increasingly perceived as semi-skilled labor. The programmer belongs to a profession, the coder to a workforce.
(14.3) Back to design. Currently, public recognition of graphic designers is not so different from that of journalists. Both are now perceived as entire professions that it would be good to automate once and for all. Jobs meant to become buttons. According to this scenario, coding emerges as a professional panacea linked to the rhetoric of skill obsolescence and employability. Coding becomes a skill, in the most reductive sense of the term: something to add to your CV, better if exploded into discrete units. HTML and CSS: good, JavaScript: basic. The book Graphic Design Surveyed shows that US and UK students consider coding the third most useful skill to acquire (after networking and idea generation).
In 2014, German media theorist Florian Cramer dissected the various meanings of the term “post-digital”. One of them was “the contemporary disenchantment with digital information systems and media gadgets.” The Learn to Code meme suggests that disenchantment does not only revolve around the tools of the trade, but also around the trade itself. Coding, in the light of retraining, doesn’t seem to be so emancipating.
Another understanding of post-digital Cramer highlighted has to do with the revival of old media. This might be a bit of a stretch, but what is more “old media”, more 20th-century, than the idea of a workforce to be forged for the good of the nation? Of course, the Learn to Code narrative hints at the fact that jobs, skills and aspirations do not exist in a vacuum. However, due to a combination of disenchantment with programming and old-media labor rhetoric, coding emerges as a post-digital manifestation of capitalist realism, forcing graphic designers, journalists and coal miners alike to deal with their situations. All of them must go through mandatory updates, just like software. Is programming itself immune to this logic? Not really, it would seem, as the angelus novus of AI promises or threatens (depending on whom you ask) to automate the coder as well.
(14.4) Code to Learn. Ted Nelson once said: “The computer is as inhuman as we make it.” The fact that coding is a cognitive activity does not make it intrinsically humane. It can also become a tedious, repetitive, industrialized exercise. This is what the jobs of a “new collar” workforce might look like, especially if such a workforce were a coercively retrained one. What then is coding beyond the not very empowering economic imperative of “learning to code”? Coding—whether it consists of writing HTML and CSS, posting a Javascript snippet on Github Gist, tweaking a Processing sketch, or publishing a Python module—can be not merely the content of a learning process, but its very medium. Thus, it can be a craft and a culture, or even better, a cultural meeting point. Who would we find there? A community of practice.
(14.5) Learning with Computers. In a time when much is being said about the creativity of autonomous AI-powered machines, it is good to reconsider Licklider’s notion of human-computer symbiosis. When you code, you instruct the computer to execute a more or less complex task, which is then immediately performed. You do not always know what to expect: the result might awe or disappoint you, allowing you to reorient or even redefine your initial goal.
Part of the symbiosis is intrinsic to the language shared by user and machine—namely, code. Creativity unfolds through this micro-iterative learning process: it is neither in the mind nor in the machine, but rather in the continuous scripted dialogue between the subject and their extensions. The computer is just one of those extensions, but a particularly powerful one, since it is, to use Alan Kay’s term, a metamedium, that is, a medium capable of simulating all others. As such the computer should be a thing that can be shaped and transformed. When it becomes less malleable, the computer is fixed within a stable media, which is perhaps more efficient, but also less surprising, less “creative.” You do more but you learn less. Fundamentally, creativity is a question of time. Mostly of our daily activity with computers happens through hopefully speedy but ossified software. We use the computer in “speedrun mode.” This is the paradox of creative coding: the coding part is supposed to make things faster, the creative part requires that things go slowly.
According to permacomputing principles, one might say that Learn to Code is very “yang”, and Code to Learn does also value the “yin”: it “accepts the aspects that are beyond rational control and comprehension. Rationality gets supported by intuition. The relationship with the system is more bidirectional, emphasizing experimentation and observation.”
(14.6) Learning through Computers. Coding does not just manifest as a relationship between a user and a computer, but also between users through computers. Users exchanging techniques in real life or on Stack Overflow, appreciating each others’ solutions, using coding as an excuse to just hang out, or building upon each other’s tools. The input of this process is patience and a capacity for listening; the output is fun and a sense of belonging. Coding can also be a bridge linking us to past users. We see this in Ted Davis’ assignment to recreate pioneering computer works or with the Re-Programmed Art Project, where a series of contemporary designers reinterpreted “analog” works of the Italian collective Gruppo T, active in the 1960s.
(14.7) Coding as a Craft. While Learn to Code turns coding into a resumĂ©-ready skill, Code to Learn is about coding as a craft. My understanding of craft is wide-ranging: “a good job well done,” as Sennett defines it. A craft is a savoir faire that is capable of stabilizing and consolidating one’s identity. In a time when designers are urged to constantly decorate their bio with strategic labels, a craft is a reflective activity, in the sense that the crafted things and the tools for crafting are a reflection of their maker, who generally recognizes themselves in them. This is also true of coding. As Roberto Arista, creator of the Python for Designers course, puts it: Programming then can become a way to escape [the confinement of desktop publishing software], connecting different regions and patiently rebuilding the workshop within the tools that effectively destroyed these regions.
The craftsperson enters their own physical or digital workshop—a local hackerspace, a custom i3 setup, a DIY CMS—and feels at home. This is where they code and learn, learn and code. This is where they can forget, for a while at least, if they are lucky, the pressures and economic necessities of daily life. Without neglecting Learn to Code’s stressful refrain of employability and professional obsolescence, Code to Learn helps by considering the coding activity in itself, and not merely as an inevitable destiny. Opting for one model over the other in a graphic design school also means determining how to teach programming. When I speak of coding in and of itself I do not mean it as an index of technical notions (variables, loops, etc.). That is precisely the instrumental reduction of the Learn to Code attitude. Rather, I mean it in a broader sense: coding as a social activity and a cultural domain. This is what Code to Learn is all about.

(15)

2022

Programming and Graphic Design

Julie Blanc and Nolwenn Maudet

Code〈–〉Graphic design. A ten-year relationship. The ethics of free and open source software, a profound transformation of practices All of these programming practices have a certain ethic in common, a programming culture that is not solely technical. The place occupied by programming in the field of graphic design today cannot be fully understood without understanding its connection to the culture of free software that originated in computing. In his 2012 text, KĂ©vin Donnot already mentioned free software and hacking as a noteworthy aspect of programming. Ten years later, one can see that free and open source culture has spread widely through the world of digital graphic design. One of the most important aspects of free software culture is the possibility of having access to the code of the program or software one is using. This implies a simultaneous rejection of tools and software whose mechanics cannot be inspected for the purposes of understanding both their potential and their limitations. Thus graphic designers who work with programming often seek to use free and open source software, i.e., software whose license allows the inspection, modification, and duplication of the cod.(38)
This aspect, although fundamental, is not the only role played by open source culture, which has also impacted ways of working by encouraging collaboration. In a graphic design environment that is extremely connected to the notion of the author, open source culture has encouraged the development of collectives. We have already mentioned a number of them: Open Source Publishing (OSP)—a pioneer of open source graphic design, already mentioned ten years ago in Graphisme en France—is certainly one of the most familiar. Though its members have evolved in the meantime, the collective is still active and continues to pursue its approach. Other collectives have also emerged, such as Bonjour Monde, and Luuse. The use of programming facilitates both collaborative and simultaneous work, in particular through the use of Git version management software.
In computer science, version-control software allows to store files and all of the modifications that have been made to them. These are very efficient tools for managing the collaborative writing of source code, which, although not really adapted to graphic work(39) greatly simplifies collaboration. This facilitation is all the more surprising as the classic Adobe suite still struggles to allow collaborative editing of documents. At the same time, the open sharing of source code for projects created by graphic designers on platforms such as GitLab, or GitHub, clearly shows a willingness to be adopted and modified by others. For example, the typeface Avara, initially created by Raphaël Bastide, was explicitly designed to be reworked. The possibilities of versioning, simultaneous work, and reworking of source code used in programming are then new approaches for graphic design. They can influence ways of working, and even graphic forms themselves, which are impacted by the possibility of observing the work of others at different moments in the design process. Today, in the field of graphic design, the amount of resources available and shared under open source licenses on the Internet is considerable, ranging from pictograms to illustrations. However, it is more specifically the field of typography that has contributed primarily to the spread of free and open source culture among graphic designers, mainly in France and Belgium. Many typefaces are distributed under a free license, just like open source software, that allows them to be reused and modified.(40)
The adoption of royalty-free typefaces has thus strongly developed in schools and in professional practices, especially since 2010 and the foundation by Frank Adebiaye of the now-famous Velvetyne foundry. Nevertheless, it is regrettable that this enthusiastic use often occurs in the context of a consumer relationship, where fonts are chosen because they are freely available, without any real understanding of the issues at the heart of free and open source culture. This question is similar to the ones that are quite familiar, and widely discussed throughout the programming world, and that are unavoidable for graphic designers: though many consume open source software, the number who actively contribute to it is much smaller; what then of the spirit of community and autonomy of production advocated by free culture? This culture, with its strong ethical dimension, also raises other questions. The rejection of non-open source tools can sometimes reach the level of mimicry when it comes to the culture of certain programmers, to the point of a paradoxical rejection by graphic designers of graphic interfaces(41) and thus DTP software. Among other things, this contributes to aggravating the rupture between graphic designers who program and others who don’t. It is utopian to imagine that every graphic designer could code, despite the issues of open source culture being increasingly present in educational discourse. It is still necessary to invent a repertoire of intermediary tools that incorporate various modes of interaction (textual and/or graphic)(42) and that make it possible to respond to the development of increasingly hybrid practices. The Web introduces specific issues for graphic design It now seems that the Web, in its hybrid position of both publishing tool and medium, sits at the junction of specific issues that exist within a landscape of graphic designers who have adopted coding practices, and yet, at the same time, this is rarely the subject of discussion. Over the last ten years, the increasing diversity of digital devices has led to the multiplication of both sizes and types of screens upon which web pages can be displayed (computers, tablets, smartphones, but also projectors, televisions, etc.). The conditions of consultation of any given site therefore vary considerably from one reader to another. One of the main characteristics of the design of a website is to adapt the design (functionalities, interactions, and layouts) to the different parameters or characteristics of the device on which the site will be displayed, as well as the environment in which it will be consulted. The most familiar principle is the need to adapt the graphic design to the size of the screen, but it is theoretically possible that readers themselves could define their own display styles, something that has been possible since the early days of CSS. Thus, readers now have some control over the display of content, if only by changing the window size or by setting a “dark” mode on browsers. While graphic designers have become accustomed to having complete control over the final printed form, these different points mark a radical change in their approach to their discipline.(43)
In order to respond to this multiplicity of displays, the Web is based on a principle of separation of content and form between HTML and CSS, which we have already mentioned. Elements coded in HTML do not change, and it is in CSS that the way they are displayed according to the size of the screen is defined. The same information is consulted from one device to another, but its formal components are organized differently so as to make navigation ergonomic, and reading optimized, in all circumstances. Design is now marked by a paradigm shift for graphic designers who must describe the possible behavior of elements using a range of principles proposed in web languages: templates, contextual style sheets, semantic structuring, the notion of flow, etc. However, the tools available today for designing visual prototypes for publication (Sketch, Figma, Adobe XD, Webflow) lack most of these principles because they are too closely modeled on DTP layout software dedicated to print and/or fixed media. Only the mastery of the technical aspect of the Web, and thus of these languages, makes it currently possible to understand its potential, and propose adapted and creative graphic forms. Graphic designers must therefore accept a certain lack of control over the forms they produce in order to suit the intrinsically fluid and open character of the Web. This design of graphic formatting, which forces one to think outside the limits of the page format, has profoundly transformed recent practices, while at the same time reviving ways of working on formatting that predate the appearance of DTP software, where graphic designers could only work from templates and style sheets. In a recent article published in the magazine Design Arts MĂ©dias, this hypothesis was formulated as follows: “The notion of style sheet that gave rise to the name CSS is defined as ‘a set of rules that associate properties and stylistic values with the structural elements of a document, thus expressing the way in which the document is presented’.(44)
This is a definition that is entirely compatible with the production of printed books. It reminds us that before the advent of DTP, the work of designers and typographers consisted in providing the printer (lead typesetting) or the operator (phototypesetting) with a set of stylistic rules and constraints that defined the template of a book and the characteristics of the blocks of type. Coding in CSS consists of providing this same information to the web browser”.(45)
In a second article in this same publication, we argued that in this sense, the DTP era was ultimately just a parenthesis in the history of graphic design, a specific moment during which there was no longer a strict separation between page layout and text layout.(46)
Current programming practices, particularly when it comes to web technologies, therefore invite us to write a new page in the history of graphic design, rooted in the long history of its technical evolution.
Gitlab profile, directories of the source codes of the works, design: Bonjour Monde.
Whereas ten years ago, code practices were relatively rare in the landscape of graphic design in France, they are much more present today, focusing on specific registers. Some of the projects cited in this text have now formed a school of thought, and the practices of OSP, LUST, and G.U.I. are widely cited by art school students as references. Thus, in recent years, a community and a culture of graphic design who use programming has formed, one that is relatively specific to Western Europe, with a real and growing synergy between France, Belgium, Switzerland, and Holland. While they experienced difficulties when it came to establishing a place in this landscape, web design and web-to-print now find a particular echo in these communities, forging a movement recognizable by its attention to “artisanal” practices supported by the challenges of open source culture, and those specific to the fluidity of the Web. So graphic designers code in order to be closer to the mediums for reading and communication with which they work. They contribute to extending the field of practices of graphic design, pursuing a movement that began in the era of phototypesetting and that already signaled “the gradual enlarging of [the typographer’s] prerogatives far beyond the simple management of the typographic sign, to the very extensive field of graphic design, associated in the second half of the century with a global mastery of visual communication, and the multiple forms of encounter between text and image”.(47)
At the same time, these coding practices contribute to overcoming approaches arising from graphic interface software, which led graphic designers to adopt computers as their main tool in the early 1990s. However, outside of the Web, this culture of programming in graphic design is struggling to develop, as it has a very limited audience. Apart from the aforementioned examples of Prototypo and TexTuring, programs and tools dedicated to a specific project or task are difficult for non-programmers to appropriate, as they remain attached to the direct manipulation that graphic interfaces allow. In order to open up digital culture to a greater number of graphic designers, it is therefore necessary to consider hybrid approaches that allow the relationships between code, tools, and graphic design to be understood in a collective manner.
[38] On her website, graphic designer AmĂ©lie Dumont explains, for example, that she has “a very special interest for [
] experimenting with code” in her projects, and that she has “only been working with free software since 2016”, as these two things go hand-in-hand. (https://www.amelie.tools/)
[39] Anthony Masure, “Visual Culture. Open Source Publishing, Git et le design graphique”, strabic.fr, 28 November 2014, http://strabic.fr/OSP-Visual-Culture
[40] Frank Adebiaye, “Licencier Ăšs lettres”, Back Office, nÂș 1, Paris, Édition B42 and Fork Éditions, 2017.
[41] Eric Schrijver, op. cit.
[42] Alexandre Leray and StĂ©phanie Vilayphiou, “About: Alan Kay, ‘A User Interface: a Personal View’”, Considering your tools. A reader for designers and developers, 2013, online, http://reader.lgru.net/texts/about-alan-kay-a-user-interface-a-personal-view/
[43] Miriam Eric Suzanne, CSS is Rad. Resilient design on an infinite canvas, 2020, online, https://www.miriamsuzanne.com/ speaking/css-rad/
[44] HĂ„kon Wium Lie, Cascading Style Sheets, doctoral thesis, University of Oslo, 2005, p. 77
[45] Julie Blanc, “Si Jan Tschichold avait connu les feuilles de style en cascade : plaidoyer pour une mise en page comme programme”, in Kim Sacks and Victor GuĂ©gan (dir.), Design Arts Medias, “SystĂšmes : logiques, graphies, matĂ©rialitĂ©s”, August 2022, online, https://journal.dampress.org/issues/systemes-logiques-graphies-materialites/si-jan-tschichold-avait-connu-les-feuilles-de-style-en-cascade-plaidoyer-pour-une-mise-en-pagecommeprogramme.
[46] Nolwenn Maudet, “Une brĂšve histoire des templates, entre autonomisation et contrĂŽle des graphistes amateurs”, in Sacks and GuĂ©gan (dir.), ibid., https://journal.dampress.org/issues/systemes-logiques-graphies-materialites/une-breve-histoiredestemplates-entre-autonomisation-et-controle-des-graphistes-amateurs.
[47] Olivier Lugon, “Le graphisme, ‘activitĂ© totale’: typographie, photographie, exposition”, in Collectif, Design graphique, les formes de l’histoire, Paris, Éditions B42 and Cnap, 2017, p. 79

(16)

2020

Are Women the Natural Enemies of Books?

Julie Blanc and Nolwenn Maudet

In my search for knowledge about lady bibliophiles I climbed the library ladder and among the books on collecting saw "The Library", by Andrew Lang, London, 1881. Confident that I would find some charming and sympathetic essay on the subject, I took it down and turned to the index, but evidently I had forgotten Lang's prejudice, for to my horror the startling lines "Women the natural foes of books" met my eye.
They were classed with the other enemies of books; damp, dust, dirt, book worms, careless readers, borrowers, book stealers, book-ghouls, etc. so I hastily turned to the page and read "Almost all women are the inveterate foes, not of novels, of course, nor peerages and popular volumes of history, but of books worthy of the name. It is true that Isabelle d'Este and Madame de Pompadour and Madame de Maintenon, were collectors; and, doubtless, there are many other brilliant exceptions to a general rule. But broadly speaking, women detest the books which the collector desires and admires. First, they don't understand them; second, they are jealous of their mysterious charms; third, books cost money, and it really is a hard thing for a lady to see money expended on what seems a dingy old binding, or yellow paper scored with crabbed characters.
Thus ladies wage a skirmishing war against booksellers' catalogues, and history speaks of husbands who have had to practise the guile of smugglers when they conveyed a new purchase across their own frontier. Thus many married men are reduced to collecting Elzivers, which go readily into the pocket for you cannot smuggle a folio volume easily." Poor man, his experience with the fair sex must have been a very unfortunate one. Perhaps he had been disillusioned by reading of the sixteenth century abbess of the convent of Rumsey in Hampshire, whom Dibdin tells about. She was bibulously rather than bibliographically inclined and bartered the books of the abbey for strong liquors and consequently was accused of immoderate drinking, especially in the night time when she invited the nuns to her chamber to participate in these excesses. But fortunately the women whom Lang describes in his diatribe are really the rare exception to the rule and only lack of space prevents my writing a folio volume about the many famous women collectors who have been friends not foes to books throughout the ages.
It is true though that the female of our species has never been as susceptible to the malady of book madness as the male, possibly because she has not had the same opportunity. Unless a woman is economically independent there are many demands upon her allowance and consequently she must really want a book very much to buy it instead of a new hat or something else that is dear to her heart. She is not as apt to buy for speculation or because a book is one of the conventional collector's items, but is more independent and adventurous in following her personal taste, although the spirit of a true collector of books is the same whether it be possessed by man or woman.
Strange to say, the first bibliophile on record is a woman. She was a Benedictine abbess named Hrotsvitha who lived in Saxony in the tenth century, and not only had books written for her convent, but wrote plays and translated Terence. Her example was followed in the next century by the lovely and intelligent Countess Judith of Flanders, who, wherever she followed her warring English husband caused the most exquisite illuminated manuscripts to be made. She continued her interests on the continent when she later married the Duke of Bavaria. Four of her manuscripts, magnificently bound, are now safely housed in The Pierpont Morgan Library where "though they are books worthy of the name" their beauty may be appreciated by women who are not even "the brilliant exception to the general rule" of collectors. (...)
One of the most learned lady bibliophiles of this century in America was Miss Amy Lowell of Cambridge, Massachusetts. Her books and manuscripts, including her collection of Keats, are being preserved for posterity in the Harry Elkins Widener Memorial at Harvard. She always enjoyed smoking a good cigar while writing or carrying on her sparkling conversations as she thought it made her thoughts flow more easily. One could not write of women in connection with books without speaking of two distinguished custodians of famous libraries, scholars, who are as well known abroad as in America; Miss Belle Da Costa Greene, the brilliant Director of The Pierpont Morgan Library, and Miss Ruth Sheppard Granniss, the Librarian of The Grolier Club and sympathetic friend of all bibliophiles, male or female. They, of course, come under Lang's category of exceptional examples.
But what of the many other exceptions? Would Lang have thought that Miss Lowell could not understand books? or that Diane de Poitiers could be jealous of their mysterious charms? or that Catherine of Russia would hesitate to spend what money she could procure to satisfy her passion for them? What could his lady friends have been like to be classed with the enemies of books and such enemies at that?
It would appear that book collecting is a truly feminine pastime, containing many elements which appeal to their sex; romance, intellectual curiosity, love of the beautiful and the quest of something difficult to obtain. But feminine collectors should beware of pitfalls, for sometimes this mania arouses the baser instincts such as envy, extravagance, and self - indulgence.
Wives have even been known to spend their marketing money on books instead of daily bread and to waste hours reading book catalogues instead of attending to their housewifely duties. Book collecting, however is a common denominator of all ages and a medium through which the minds of both sexes may meet with pleasure and therefore greatly to be recommended as a delightful occupation.

(17)

2016

Is There a Canon of Graphic Design History?

Martha Scotford

(17.1) DISCOVERING THE CANON the opposite page gives the corresponding owners for the sixty-three designers/partners and each criteria. These are not scores or ratings; this is not a contest. These numbers reveal the relative weight/importance that these specific five books have placed on certain designers and works. The numbers in bold are chose that are considered significant for the final cue of the list; these fall at or above the median for each category. This again seems the broadest way co include individuals. You will notice a range in the amount of bold numbers among the designers. There are eleven categories; it was decided chat if a designer had bold numbers in five or more categories (that is, a significant showing in eleven criteria), that designer had been consistently "featured" by the majority of the books and could be considered part of the canon of graphic design. The cable here produces a canon of eight designers in alphabetical order): Herbert Bayer, A. M. Cassandre, El Lissitzky, Herbert Matter, Laszlo Moholy-Nagy, Josef MĂŒller-Brockmann, Henri de Toulouse- lautrec, and Pier Zwart.
(17.2) INTERPRETING THE CANON What do we notice about this group? First, and more about this later, the canon is all male. They were all born before) 220. several before 1900, and all but one (MĂŒller-Brockmann) are deceased. They are all native Europeans who are from Eastern Europe (Lissitzky and Moholy-Nagy; Cassandre was born in Russia co French parents, but left Russia co attend school); two are French (Cassandre and Toulouse-Lautrec); who are Swiss (MĂŒller-Brockmann and Matter); one is Austrian (Bayer); and one is Dutch (Zwart). Are there surprises here? Perhaps the only surprise is Toulouse-Lautrec, who, though considering him important co poster history, most would not expect to make the graphic design canon. One should question the inclusion of MĂŒller Brockmann because he is the author of one of the books; however, records seem to indicate he has been approximately as generous to himself as was Meggs. More surprises in the inclusion area: chauvinistically, we might murmur, "What, no Americans?" And there are several poster "masters"- you can fill in your favorites - who might be expected on the list. Each period/style has its heroes, bur, across the broad survey period, it is difficult for these individuals ro stand our consistently. There are also several designers who have very respectable showings in the category of "number of reproductions," but who have not been set apart by size or color of such. A possible explanation for some of these exclusions may be the nature of the work. For instance, Armin Hofmann's revered posters are originally in black and white, so featuring him by a color category is difficult. (This is one example of the possible disservice to individual designers by the criteria used for this list.) Another designer in a similar situation is William Morris.
He worked as a graphic designer primarily in book design; books are mostly printed in black and white. Other designers, working mainly with typography, are using smaller formats chat are seldom reproduced in a large format. One case struck me as a serious misrepresentation of the designer's work, not in the number of reproductions, but the nature of chem. Cheret’s posters were and are important for their pioneering use of color, both technically in historical terms and aesthecically for the richness of the effects he achieved in lithography. Yet, these five books present only two of his works in color. Interestingly, after the initial curiosity of discovering the canon's identity, the rest of the list shows how different designers are represented in the books, and brings co mind chose designers who have not made the edited (and amended) list of sixty-three. Here, in my opinion, are the more intriguing cases of inclusion and exclusion. The most obvious distinction, about which I do not intend to get polemical, is chat of gender. There are no women in this canon.
There are six women represented on the edited/amended list, four of them independent designers. (Margaret and Frances McDonald were part of the Mackintosh group and had less to do with graphics than other design formats.) The numbers for the independent four indicate they are poorly represented in all categories. There may be explanations, but not many excuses: the women are all younger than the men (two of the women born in the 1920s, one in the 1930s, one in the 1940s) and therefore have had shorter careers (less production is not always a correlation). But even comparing the two oldest, Casey and Rudin, with male designers of their generation, Glaser and Hofmann, produces a serious discrepancy. And the youngest woman, Greiman, is reproduced more frequently than the rest, bur not featured as well as the second youngest, Tissi. Once we have passed into the post-World War II generation, there are many more female designers from which co choose, but chis option has nor been exercised. Possibly, there are problems with critical distance, yet the contributions of Muriel Cooper, Barbara Stauffacher Soloman, and Sheila Levrant de Bretteville (among others) have been recognized elsewhere. {
}.

(18)

2009

Stereo Types

PrintMag

You might see it every day and never notice, but there it is,on your takeout box of Chinese food, on your morning coffee cup, or onthe cover of a favorite book or album: “ethnic type,” lettering or type that suggests the culture of a specific ethnic orreligious group.
Many designers and critics claim to beembarrassed by ethnic type, damning it for its deficient aesthetics asmuch as for its racial insensitivity. Eager to point out thetype’s derogatory qualities, design writers toss togetherexamples—pseudo-Chinese fonts, fake Greek letters, and type thatacts as code for African or African-American topics—as if they areequivalent and interchangeable. But they’re not. A quick tour ofthe history of ethnic typefaces shows that there are many differentpaths taken by a typeface from its creation to its status as a visualshorthand for an entire group.
The simplest way to shout“ethnic!”is to substitute familiar characters from a foreignalphabet into the Roman one (such as the Greek sigmas that replace theEs on the classic New York City coffee cups). Alternately, otherdesigners try to mimic the characters in non-Latin writing systems byattempting to create letters with features derived from thesescripts.
Many fonts, however, are seen as exotic because of contextrather than innate characteristics. Letters written with a pointedbrush, a tool associated with more casual scripts, such as those inAuriol by George Auriol (Peignot, 1901), can feel “Japanese”without copying any features of the hiragana or katakana syllabaries. Infact, Auriol was the inspiration for the lettering on HectorGuimard’s Paris MĂ©tro stations, which, in that context,seems “French.” These types’ ethnic flair relies on aviewer’s inchoate expectations of what a given culture’stype should look like.
Such expectations can also be formed simplythrough repeated use. The most prominent examples of this phenomenon areRudolf Koch’s Neuland (Klingspor, 1923) and F.H.E.Schneidler’s Legende (Bauer, 1937), which have become identified,respectively, with African (and African-American) and Arabic subjects.Neither typeface has any links with those cultures; instead, Neulandowes its bold form to Koch’s decision to cut the type directlyinto metal without any preliminary sketches, while Schneidler basedLegende on 15th-century Burgundian and Flemish bastarda scripts. Thesefonts’ ethnic connotations have developed gradually, throughrecurrent appearances on book covers and posters, by people whoconnected the typefaces with their own cultural biases and perceptions,slowly reinforcing the fonts’ ethnic associations inviewers’ minds.
Other fonts are given new names by foundryowners, which lead to the typefaces taking on ethnic identities afteryears of playing other aesthetic roles. Thus, Mikita is considered bytype historians to be the oldest ethnic type since it has an“Asian” quality and can be traced back to a design byBruce’s New York Type Foundry in 1867. But that face, created byJulius Herriet, Sr., underwent a number of name changes, based on how itwas perceived over the years. Originally called Bruce’s Ornamentedno. 1048, it was copied in England the following year by the foundry ofJ. & R.M. Wood, which christened it Novel. Bruce later renamed it RusticShaded, a descriptive name that suggests a cabin’s carpentry. Butin the mid-’50s, when Charles Broad, the owner of Typefounders ofPhoenix, dubbed it Mikita, the letters must have been equally suggestiveof Japanese woodworking.
A decade or so later, the Visual GraphicsCorporation, a leading manufacturer of display phototype fonts, offeredit as Bruce Mikita (TB-29). The digital version of the face was createdin 2000 by Harold Lohner of Harold’s Fonts. Although unaware ofthe type’s history—on his website, Lohner asks, “Whowas Bruce Mikita?”—Lohner recognized the font’slatent qualities, writing, “It seems handcrafted and rustic andsuggests East Asian calligraphy.” Lohner based his version on ashowing of the face in Dan X. Solo’s Victorian DisplayAlphabets (1976). Interestingly, Solo, the owner of SolotypTypographers, considered the face Victorian rather than Japanese.
The one 19th-century face with an unmistakably Asian name and a suggestiveappearance is Chinese (Cleveland Type Foundry, 1883). Known since themid-’50s as Mandarin, the face is characterized by curved andpointed wedge strokes that superficially resemble two of the eight basicstrokes of Chinese calligraphy: the downward left stroke and the upwardright stroke. Unfortunately, the strokes, forced onto the armature ofRoman letters, are assembled in a manner that completely ignores acalligraphic emphasis on structural balance and harmony.
Mandarin isthe granddaddy of what have come to be known as “chop suey”types. It’s a fitting name—just as chop suey is an Americaninvention, so, too, are the letters of Mandarin and its many offspring.
Neither the food nor the fonts bear any real relation to true Chinesecuisine or calligraphy. But this has not prevented the proliferation ofchop suey lettering and its close identification with Chinese cultureoutside of China. Mandarin was used by the Beggarstaff Brothers (WilliamNicholson and James Pryde) for their 1899 poster “A Trip toChinatown.” The poster was included in Les Maütres del’Affiche, the enor-mously influential monthly publicationshowcasing the most beautiful posters of t he fin de siùcle. Bythe end of World War I, chop suey lettering had become synonymous withSan Francisco’s Chinatown. This may have been due to the influenceof the Beggarstaff poster, or it could have been a way to distinguishthe rebuilding of Chinatown as a tourist destination following the 1906earthquake. The new Chinatown was flamboyantly, theatrically“Chinese,” complete with pagoda roofs and other exaggeratedand stylized details.
By the ’30s, chop suey letters were beingused to promote Chinese restaurants across the country. Chop suey, thedish, invented 40 years earlier, had become a culinary craze.Restaurants responded by including the dish in their name andemphasizing it in their signs and advertising. This can be seen insurviving neon signs—Guey Lon Chop Suey Restaurant in Chicago,Pekin CafĂ© Chop Suey in San Diego, and the Joy Young restaurantin Birmingham, Alabama—as well as in postcards and matchbooks fromthe ’30s through the ’60s. The oldest of these neon signshave sans-serif lettering and are as reminiscent of Morris FullerBenton’s Hobo (American Type Founders, 1910) as much as other chopsuey styles.When chop suey letters do appear, they tend to be rounderand blunter than later iterations of the style and with less overlapamong the strokes. The more familiar, and sharper, look is a post–WorldWar II phenomenon. Ironically, it was Chinese-American restaurateurs whowere choosing the chop suey lettering (and serving the dish), conferringa bit of authenticity on two American inventions.
In recent years,chop suey letters have begun to lose some of their exclusive identitywith Chinese food, as Japanese, Thai, and Indian food have becomepopular in the United States and Europe. The familiar letters can now befound in numerous pan-Asian restaurants, many of which serve otherWesternized favorites, including California rolls and chicken tikkamasala.
Ethnic type—not just chop suey but all of thevarieties—survives for the simple reason that stereotypes, thoughcrude, serve a commercial purpose. They are shortcuts, visual mnemonicdevices. There is no room for cultural nuance or academic accuracy in ashop’s fascia. Restaurant owners want passersby (often in carsrather than on foot) to know immediately that they serve Chinese (orGreek, or Jewish) food, and a lettering style that achieves this iswelcome.
Ethnic types have been dubbed “garbage fonts”by typophiles, and since the fonts are culturally inauthentic, they aredeemed an affront to the political sensitivities of ethnic groups (andto the enlightened morals of graphic designers). But it has often beenimmigrant entrepreneurs, not professional designers, who have chosen touse these typefaces and keep their popularity alive. As long as there ischop suey, there will be chop suey lettering.

(19)

2022

Can a font, in itself, truly be racist?

TypeRoom

“Ethnic type — not just chop suey but all of the varieties — survives for the simple reason that stereotypes, though crude, serve a commercial purpose. They are shortcuts, visual mnemonic devices” writes Paul Shaw in Print magazine. His commentary on the many stereotypes hidden in plain sight is as relevant as ever.
Ethnic typefaces are decorative typefaces that have been designed to represent characters of the Roman alphabet but at the same time evoke another writing system. This group includes typefaces designed to appear as Arabic, Chinese characters (Wonton fonts), Cyrillic (Faux Cyrillic), Indic scripts, Greek (an example being Lithos), Hebrew, Kana, or Thai. These are used largely for the purpose of novelty to make something appear foreign or to make businesses offering foreign products, such as restaurants, clearly stand out. This typographic mimicry, also known as a faux font (named faux x, where x is usually a language script), pseudoscript, mimicry typeface, simulation typeface or a “foreign look” font is still in use.
“But these fonts are practically free from scrutiny and widely accepted. While much research in visual sociology has been done on gender and racial portrayals of advertising, almost all of it has focused on images, and not the importance of fonts. And fonts really are just as important after all ‘typography is what language looks like’” notes Nichole Fernández quoting Ellen Lupton’s must-read book Thinking With Type.
It is evident that typography evokes emotions, that in a visual over-saturated culture we live and breathe type, we guzzle letterforms and shapes of numerous connotations. Eventually, in times of bigotry, the racialization of type matters as long as we provide room for nuance in the context.
Delving into the matter, Linus Boman, “a type nerd and veteran designer” who makes videos in the intersection of pop culture and graphic design and Raven Mo, a New York-based designer specializing in brand identity and type explore how chop suey fonts, a subcategory of so-called “ethnic” display fonts, and a unique American invention with roots in the 170-year history of Chinese migrants in the United States became the face of Chinese food in America.
“Many Americans have probably seen chop cuey fonts on Asian restaurant signs, takeout boxes and fortune cookies. It has a distinctive style of wedge-like shapes, and is supposed to invoke Chinese calligraphy. But if you grew up in China like me, chances are these fonts would be totally foreign to you” notes Mo who presented her work with Boman in her recent TypeLab presentation.
In the insightful video, the duo analyzes the font, unpacks its history, and deconstructs its design putting things into a long-overdue perspective.
“
After the 1906 earthquake destroyed San Francisco’s Chinatown, it had to be rebuilt from the ground up. For the redesign, an architect and an engineer were hired who had never visited China. They built exaggerated Chinese architecture that referenced temples from the Song Dynasty, a period in Chinese history that occurred during the middle ages. 
Where the dragon gates and pagoda roofs went, the chop suey font was sure to follow” they explain.
“If typography is a voice, what is this type but a fake foreign accent?
. Sadly, it also has an equally long history of being used to mock and otherize people of Asian descent
.While Chinese migrants spread the use of Chop suey fonts, this font was never created by them. It was part of an outsider-created makeover that helped their economic survival during a time when they were the targets of suspicion and discrimination. The typographic caricature was one minor insult among many for first-wave migrants. When fighting for basic human rights, authentic cultural expression is a luxury” comments Mo.
Following is an excerpt from the CNN article written by Anne Quito on the many typographic stereotypes we must abolish: “In 19th-century Germany, using a calligraphic blackletter typeface called Fraktur was considered as an expression of nationalism. German books were printed in this gothic-style font, despite being hard to read. The Nazi party then embraced Fraktur -- it was even used on the cover of Adolf Hitler’s manifesto, ‘Mein Kampf’ -- before suddenly banning the font in 1941 and categorizing it as Judenlettern (‘Jewish letters’).
Yet, there are also examples of fonts harmlessly evoking national or regional pride. Take the distinctive Euskara lettering, used throughout the seven provinces of the Basque County, and deployed on everything from monuments to restaurant menus. The ‘large-footed, big-eyed, Roman-styled characters,’ as a 19th-century chronicler of the region's monuments once described them, emerged during the pinnacle of Basque nationalism in the late 1800s.
It’s worth noting that, in 1930s America, some Chinese immigrants themselves used chop suey fonts on their restaurant signs, menus, and advertisements, as a way to heighten the exotic appeal of their establishments.
And ‘Oriental simulation fonts’ (or letterforms designed with aesthetic markers of a particular culture) didn't just approximate Chinese calligraphy. Decorative fonts like El Dorado or Taco Salad were designed to represent Mexico. The same goes for the Pad Thai font, which borrows strokes from the Thai script. Similarly, there are a host of crude, hand-drawn fonts purporting to capture the aesthetic of the entire African continent.
Shaw said that the persistence of ethnic types, as offensive as they appear to some, lies in their graphic efficiency. They survive ‘for the simple reason that stereotypes, though crude, serve a commercial purpose,’ he wrote. ‘They are shortcuts, visual mnemonic devices. There is no room for cultural nuance or academic accuracy in a shop’s fascia.’
A Nazi font banned by Nazis? Fraktur and its legacy in the must-listen design podcast of this week ‘We need to democratize the education of type design across different ethnic and economic, socioeconomic backgrounds,’ said Tom Rickner, creative director at Monotype. ‘There’s work to be done there, but it’s happening. The right way forward is to have bilingual, trilingual, even multilingual typography,’ he added, suggesting that Chinese restaurant menus could perhaps, be presented in both English and (either simplified or traditional) Chinese characters” reads CNN’s report.
“For many designers ethnic fonts are seen as simply ‘garbage fonts’ used by ‘amateur designers’
. But amateur or not, we go about our day exposed to way more than the rare professional high-end sleek design with a social consciousness. We see these stereo‘types’ everywhere. Maybe it is time we hold designers accountable for these stereotypes. Maybe we should also hold accountable the institutions that teach design without teaching the social implications of design. The job of a designer is not to be uninventive, simply repurposing stereotypes for easy visual communication. We need to call on the design industry to be innovative, creative, and to generate useful visual solutions, because ultimately, that is their job” concludes Fernández.
Type designers should, by default, celebrate languages and cultures via design means. But, can a font truly be racist? As this long-running debate keeps going strong, let’s pause for a second, and address the importance of education in type design in full frame whilst not blaming the fonts for racism. The real racists that we should stand up against are the ones that walk and talk bringing humanity to the verge of hate.

(20)

2021

Karate, Wonton, Chow Fun: The end of ‘chop suey’ fonts

Anne Quito

Here’s a thought experiment: Close your eyes and imagine the font you’d use to depict the word “Chinese.” There’s a good chance you pictured letters made from the swingy, wedge-shaped strokes you’ve seen on restaurant signs, menus, take-away boxes and kung-fu movie posters. These “chop suey fonts,” as American historian Paul Shaw calls them, have been a typographical shortcut for “Asianness” for decades.
Shaw traces the fonts’ origins to the Cleveland Type Foundry which obtained a patent for a calligraphy-style printing type, later named Mandarin, in 1883. It is perhaps no surprise that this Eastern-inspired lettering emerged in the late 19th century, an era when Orientalism coursed feverishly through the West.
“Mandarin, originally known as Chinese, is the granddaddy of ‘chop suey’ types,” Shaw wrote in the design magazine, Print. “Neither the food nor the fonts bear any real relation to true Chinese cuisine or calligraphy. But this has not prevented the proliferation of chop suey lettering and its close identification with Chinese culture outside of China.”
Type designers in the West have since cooked up many of their own versions of chop suey. Variations on the font are commercially distributed as Wonton, Peking, Buddha, Ginko, Jing Jing, Kanban, Shanghai, China Doll, Fantan, Martial Arts, Rice Bowl, Sunamy, Karate, Chow Fun, Chu Ching San JNL, Ching Chang and Chang Chang.
It’s hard not to cringe at the Chinese stereotypes bundled up with each font package – especially when seen through the lens of today’s heightened vigilance toward discrimination and systemic racism. Critics believe that using chop suey typefaces is downright racist, particularly when deployed by non-Asian creators.
White politicians, meanwhile, have been using chop suey fonts to stoke xenophobia for over a century. In her book, “This is What Democracy Looked Like: A Visual History of the Printed Ballot,” Cooper Union professor Alicia Cheng draws attention to the “chopsticks font,” as she calls it, used by San Francisco politician Dr. C. C. O’Donnell on a 1876 ballot, as he vowed to deport all Chinese immigrants if he was elected into office.
More contemporary examples include Pete Hoekstra, the former US ambassador to the Netherlands, who – during his run for Senate in 2012 – was criticized for campaigning with an ad featuring a caricature of a Chinese woman and a website with chop suey lettering. And in 2018, The New Jersey Republican State Committee used a version of the all-too-familiar font in a mailer attacking Korean American Democrat Andy Kim. The incendiary headline read, “There’s something REAL FISHY about Andy Kim.”
Hoekstra’s press team and the New Jersey Republican State Committee did not respond to CNN’s request for comment. Companies and advertisers have also looked to exploit stereotypes associated with the typefaces. During World War II, oil giant Texaco produced a series of posters featuring chop suey fonts next to a buck-toothed caricature in order to vilify the “Yellow Peril.”
When asked to comment on the historical posters, a spokesperson for Chevron Corporation, now Texaco’s parent company, told CNN: “Texaco’s World War II posters are regrettable and inconsistent with Chevron’s values.”
Similarly, online grocer Fresh Direct, clothing brand Abercrombie & Fitch and the game developers behind “Cyberpunk 2077,” CD Projekt, are among the many companies criticized for using culturally appropriative fonts in the last two decades.
A spokesperson for FreshDirect told CNN that the company “unequivocally” denounces racism and discrimination and regrets using a controversial typeface on advertising and packaging for its “stir fry kits,” adding that no-one involved in the 2012 decision is still at the organization. A spokesperson for Abercrombie & Fitch, meanwhile, said in an email that T-shirts featuring caricatures and stereotypical fonts from 2002 “were inexcusable 19 years ago when they were released, and they do not reflect A&F Co.’s values today.” The spokesperson added that the company encourages a “culture of belonging” and is “committed to doing better in the future.”
CD Projekt, which used stereotypical Asian fonts in game graphics last year, did not respond to CNN’s request for comment. In 2020, with the Covid-19 pandemic ushering a new tide of Sinophobia, Canadian apparel brand Lululemon fired its art director after he seemingly endorsed a “Bat Fried Rice” T-shirt design bearing the words “No Thank You,” by posting it to his Instagram. The design featured a chop suey font on a take-out box with bat wings, alluding to the purported origins of the coronavirus. While the shirt wasn’t his creation, the art director told various media outlets, “It is something I deeply regret, and my eyes have been opened to the profound ripple effect that this mistake has had.” Lululemon quickly distanced itself from its art director emphasizing that the brand had not produced the “inappropriate and inexcusable” shirt.
Racist undertones For an older generation of Asian Americans, spotting the faux brushstroke lettering can trigger past traumas. “I think of words in anti-Asian or anti-Japanese signs,” wrote Japanese American journalist Gil Asakawa, who began his career during a wave of anti-Japanese sentiment or “Nipponophobia” in the 1980s. “I see (the font) Wonton and I see the words ‘Jap,’ ‘nip,’ ‘chink,’ ‘gook,’ ‘slope.’ I can’t help it. In my experience, the font has been associated too often with racism aimed at me.”
But can a font, in itself, truly be racist? In 19th-century Germany, using a calligraphic blackletter typeface called Fraktur was considered as an expression of nationalism. German books were printed in this gothic-style font, despite being hard to read. The Nazi party then embraced Fraktur – it was even used on the cover of Adolf Hitler’s manifesto, “Mein Kampf” – before suddenly banning the font in 1941 and categorizing it as Judenlettern (“Jewish letters”).
Yet, there are also examples of fonts harmlessly evoking national or regional pride. Take the distinctive Euskara lettering, used throughout the seven provinces of the Basque County, and deployed on everything from monuments to restaurant menus. The “large-footed, big-eyed, Roman-styled characters,” as a 19th-century chronicler of the region’s monuments once described them, emerged during the pinnacle of Basque nationalism in the late 1800s.
It’s worth noting that, in 1930s America, some Chinese immigrants themselves used chop suey fonts on their restaurant signs, menus, and advertisements, as a way to heighten the exotic appeal of their establishments.
And “Oriental simulation fonts” (or letterforms designed with aesthetic markers of a particular culture) didn’t just approximate Chinese calligraphy. Decorative fonts like El Dorado or Taco Salad were designed to represent Mexico. The same goes for the Pad Thai font, which borrows strokes from the Thai script. Similarly, there are a host of crude, hand-drawn fonts purporting to capture the aesthetic of the entire African continent.
Shaw said that the persistence of ethnic types, as offensive as they appear to some, lies in their graphic efficiency. They survive “for the simple reason that stereotypes, though crude, serve a commercial purpose,” he wrote. “They are shortcuts, visual mnemonic devices. There is no room for cultural nuance or academic accuracy in a shop’s fascia.”
For Yong Chen, a historian at the University of California, Irvine, it is not the font, per se, that’s the issue – but how it’s used. His 2014 book “Chop Suey, USA: The Story of Chinese Food in America,” even features the typeface on its cover. “The font issue never came up during discussions of the cover design,” Yong said in an email. Problems only arise, he said, when the font is deliberately used to “depict Chinese Americans and Chinese food as the Oriental other.”
Chris Wu, a scholar of Chinese typography and co-founder of the New York-based design studio Wkshps, echoed Young’s tempered view. “I am not offended by those typefaces, rather intrigued by them,” he explained in an email. “I am glad to see the discussions and criticism about the ethnic fonts today – it reflects a much well-informed visual culture and the sensibilities to respect minorities. However, I’d be careful about over simplifying the stories and the sentiment of embracing authenticity.”
Beyond chop suey As diverse and modern as Asia is, its prevailing typographic representations remain stuck in a bygone era. So, can we ever escape chop suey font?
“In light of the tensions in the US around race and racial stereotypes in 2020, (these fonts are) not the kind of thing I would want to be developing today,” said Tom Rickner, creative director at Monotype, a 134-year old digital foundry with several chop suey fonts in its catalog.
Recalling the lone Chinese restaurant in the town he grew up in during the 1970s, Rickner explained that the foreigner-friendly chop suey fonts helped proprietors attract diners, much like the first wave of immigrant Chinese business owners in San Francisco in the 1930s. “Back then, a menu item like Peking duck was considered avant-garde and completely new and different, but we’ve gone so far beyond that,” he said, adding that we now have alternatives to worn-out typographic tropes.
Rickner, who was once Apple’s lead typographer, points to the flourishing of non-English digital typefaces in recent years. For example, there’s Caspar Lam and YuJune Park’s elegant serif Ming Romantic, commissioned by Vogue China and Google’s open source Korean fonts, created by a team of Korean type designers, including E Roon Kang, who spoke on the challenges of creating digital fonts in the language.
Korean’s Hangul writing system has a “unique way of combining consonants and vowels for a single letter” that results in a greater volume of letterforms, and therefore larger file sizes for browsers, Kang explained in an email. He said the 2018 project had made fonts – which can be complicated and involve creating various subsets – easier to access by designers and developers, while adding that part of its design includes an interactive function that emphasizes the letters’ “malleable nature” to encourage more participation.
There’s also a growing catalog of high quality Arabic type. Design schools, like KABK (The Royal Academy of Art) in The Hague, Netherlands, and the University of Reading’s department of typography and graphic communication in the UK, are also training students to design fonts in the world’s languages – including Chinese, which is notoriously onerous to recreate digitally.
“We need to democratize the education of type design across different ethnic and economic, socioeconomic backgrounds,” Rickner said. “There’s work to be done there, but it’s happening.
“The right way forward is to have bilingual, trilingual, even multilingual typography,” he added, suggesting that Chinese restaurant menus could perhaps, be presented in both English and (either simplified or traditional) Chinese characters.
“As a type designer, I want to celebrate those languages and those cultures. What we love is building new typefaces that support multiple scripts and languages, and today we’re in such a better place than we were even just five years ago.”
This article has been update to include a response from Abercrombie & Fitch. It was also updated to reflect that Pete Hoekstra is the former US ambassador to the Netherlands.

(21)

2015

StereoTYPES

Nichole FernĂĄndez

Lately I have found myself walking around town, going about my everyday activities, and getting increasingly frustrated. I’m not frustrated with the average worries of modern life such as a busy daily commute, and eternally long bank lines. These things don’t bother me as they are relatively mundane and inoffensive.
What I am most frustrated by is something that is both rampant and widespread, showing itself all across western world. I’m speaking of course about bad fonts. Yes fonts! And I’m not frustrated in the pretentious way type designers look down on Comic Sans for being too cutesy and inappropriately used.
I am fed up with fonts that perpetuate negative stereotypes. This sort of design is seen all over public spaces. It is seen in the gendering of fonts used on the signs of lingerie stores and in greeting cards. It is visible in the appropriation of “Asian” themed fonts on takeout menus. It is inescapable and I take personal offense to it. I really don’t feel that I need to be reminded of my gender stereotypes while purchasing deodorant or a box of tampons.
But these fonts are practically free from scrutiny and widely accepted. While much research in visual sociology has been done on gender and racial portrayals of advertising, almost all of it has focused on images, and not the importance of fonts. And fonts really are just as important after all "typography is what language looks like”[1].
Fonts have personality and use socially recognized symbols to create an alternative visual communication, what Judith Williamson calls a “currency of signs”[2]. For example “feminine” fonts (fonts that are crudely categorized as more appealing for women) tend to be softer, curvy, script based, and sans serif. Whereas masculine is portrayed as its counterpart: bold, square, strong serifs. Now I feel like you can probably see where I am going with this. The use of these fonts not only relies on outdated negative stereotypes about gender, but also reinforces the concept of a strict gender binary. “Stereotypes are a poor choice for describing letters. At best they’re vague and careless, and at worst they’re perpetuating harmful, false ideas about how different genders have innately different capabilities.”[3]. Designers do not subconsciously perpetuate these stereotypes; they are actively used and studied by marketing communicators in order to increase product sales [4].
Take the photo below: we have the same brand of razor, one targeted towards men and the other to women, and the font of the razor name, Quattro, is actually changed to appear more “feminine”.
Fonts intended to portray ethnic, national, and racial symbolic recognition are much more varied than gendered fonts. There are fonts that attempt to be Middle Eastern, Mexican, Russian, old English, Catholic, French, African, Thai, and practically every nation, religion, ethnicity, or race you can think of. Sweden even recently released an official national font [5].
However, more commonly seen are ethnic fonts like Wonton shown here. It is an example of one of the many “Asian” fonts available that are “characterized by curved and pointed wedge strokes that superficially resemble two of the eight basic strokes of Chinese calligraphy [
]. Unfortunately, the strokes, forced onto the armature of Roman letters, are assembled in a manner that completely ignores a calligraphic emphasis on structural balance and harmony.”[6] However, as Shaw points out, not all ethnic fonts are based in any real representation of culture. Some fonts just become ethnic by association, and that label becomes inescapable.
But almost all “ethnic” fonts tend to share the same characteristics of being “foreign” or non-western. Ethnic fonts are generally less structured, often handwritten, have purposeful flaws, look old, and can often be based on traditional writing.
Now at this point you may be thinking that I am reading way too much into the meaning of fonts. Ethnic fonts may not seem like such a big deal, and they may not bother you because they are so ingrained in our visual communication. But I feel like this complacency and acceptance of ethnic fonts is one of the reasons why this conversation matters. It matters because it adds to the “currency of signs” that valorizes western aesthetics. It places modern, progressive, industrial, and democratic values to standard typefaces like Helvetica and Times New Roman, while ethnic typefaces allude to the exotic, backwards, wild, and maybe even slightly savage. It is reinforcing a western-centric worldview, and perpetuating socio-economic power dynamics.
Marketing and design students are often taught to consider using things like gender and ethnic stereotypes to their advantage (like in this article here that could really benefit from some feminist help). In this context, they argue stereotypes are not always bad, but rather useful tools to communicate non-verbal ideas, attract the appropriate demographic, and ultimately get people to buy things. In fact, it can be argued that this is an example of how a large amount of what a graphic designer does is simply using these visual stereotypes to their advantage.
It is a common view that fonts are used in this way “for the simple reason that stereotypes, though crude, serve a commercial purpose. They are shortcuts, visual mnemonic devices. There is no room for cultural nuance or academic accuracy in a shop’s fascia. Restaurant owners want passersby (often in cars rather than on foot) to know immediately that they serve Chinese (or Greek, or Jewish) food, and a lettering style that achieves this is welcome.”[7]. It is true that for a designer, it is attractive to use stereotypes as a quick and easy way to get your message across. If your target audience is female, then why not use a curly hand-written font with light pastel colors? Or if you are designing an ad for Jewish matzo ball soup mix, why not use one of the many Hebrew themed fonts? Like the font Faux Hebrew or Hebrewish, maybe even Talmud or Jerusalem, or if you are not yet spoilt for choice there is also a font entitled Circumcision (no joke, you can find it here if you don’t believe me)[8].
While using these visual stereotypes may be an appealing way to design, it is also lazy, bad design. As I write this post I am trying to acknowledge that there is a difference between necessary critiques of the visual social world we live, and just being a mean, pretentious, and overly critical designer. I think it is all too easy for designers to criticize their contemporaries and I try as much as possible to break that trend. But when it comes to font stereotypes I can’t help sharing the same judgmental sentiments as this author: “It is hard to comprehend the brain pattern of the people who choose this font, but it must go something like: ‘How on earth is my audience meant to know that my sign that reads 'Chinese Restaurant' refers to a Chinese restaurant if I don't write it in wacky calligraphy-y, bamboo-y letters?"[9] These sorts of fonts are offensive to the group stereotyped, but also to the viewer. We are intelligent beings with the capacity to read the intent of a sign without designers resorting to negative stereotypes.
For many designers ethnic fonts are seen as simply “garbage fonts”[10] used by “amateur designers”[11]. Using gender stereotypes is also, though much less so, considered an amateur decision. But amateur or not, we go about our day exposed to way more than the rare professional high-end sleek design with a social consciousness. We see these stereo‘types’ everywhere. Maybe it is time we hold designers accountable for these stereotypes. Maybe we should also hold accountable the institutions that teach design without teaching the social implications of design[12]. The job of a designer is not to be uninventive, simply repurposing stereotypes for easy visual communication. We need to call on the design industry to be innovative, creative, and to generate useful visual solutions, because ultimately, that is their job.
[1] Lupton, Ellen. 2010. Thinking with Type. 2nd Ed. New York: Princeton Architectural Press.
[2] Williamson, Judith. 1978. Decoding Advertisements: Ideology and meaning in advertising. London: Marion Boyars.
[3] Rushton, Victoria. September 14, 2015. “Type and Gender Stereotypes”. Alphabettes. http://www.alphabettes.org/type-and-gender-stereotypes/
[4] Grohmann, Bianca. 2014. “Communicating brand gender through type fonts”. Journal of Marketing Communications.
[5] Söderhavet Sweden AB. “Sverige”. http://soderhavet.com/uppdrag/sverige/
[6] Shaw, Paul. June 17, 2009. “Stereo Types”. Print Magazine. http://www.printmag.com/article/stereo_types/
[7] Shaw, Paul. June 17, 2009. “Stereo Types”. Print Magazine. http://www.printmag.com/article/stereo_types/
[8] Helfand, Jessica. June 26, 2007. “Why Is This Font Different From All Other Fonts?”. Design Observer. http://designobserver.com/feature/why-is-this-font-different-from-all-other-fonts/5597
[9] Coville, C. September 26, 2013. “5 Genuinely Offensive Font Choices That Must Be Stopped”. Cracked. http://www.cracked.com/blog/5-genuinely-offensive-font-choices-that-must-be-stopped/
[10] Shaw, Paul. June 17, 2009. “Stereo Types”. Print Magazine. http://www.printmag.com/article/stereo_types/
[11] Simon Garfield. 2011. Just My Type: a book about fonts. Profile Books.
[12] Helfand, Jessica. June 26, 2007. “Why Is This Font Different From All Other Fonts?”. Design Observer. http://designobserver.com/feature/why-is-this-font-different-from-all-other-fonts/5597

(22)

2004

New Black Face: Neuland and Lithos as Stereotypography

Rob Giampietro

“The Neuland Question comes up regularly, and alas without much resolution
.” –Jonathan Hoefler
The “Neuland Question” to which Jonathan Hoefler refers involves not just Neuland, a “display” typeface hand-carved in 1923 by Rudolf Koch (Plate 1), but also Lithos, another “display” typeface digitally created in 1989 by Carol Twombly (Plate 2). The Question can be put simply: How did these two typefaces come to signify Africans and African-Americans, regardless of how a designer uses them, and regardless of the purpose for which their creators originally intended them? The investigation of this question has four parts: first, an examination of the environments in which Koch and Twombly created the original typefaces; second, an examination of the graphic culture that surrounded African-Americans prior to the creation of Neuland through a close viewing of tobacco ephemera; third, an examination of the Art Deco (French Modern) style, the graphic culture most prevalent in the United States at the time of Neuland’s release; and finally, an examination of the ways designers use Neuland and Lithos today.
Rudolf Koch was born in 1876 and had a career that was both uninteresting and undistinguished until he enlisted in the German Army in 1907 to fight in World War I. Upon returning from the war, he commented to his close friend Siegfried Guggenheim that he was “profoundly stirred” by his experiences (10). The horrors of war inspired Koch to seek religion for himself and then preach the benefits of a religious life to his countrymen. Having experimented with the art of calligraphy shortly before enlisting, Koch returned to the art after WWI with the intention of making bold, noticeable typefaces that would shout to other Germans that following God’s path would help them find comfort from the trauma of war. Guggenheim notes, “Koch’s fonts after the war were designed for broadsides, postcards, etc. – not books [
 they were designed] to demonstrate his religious fervency” (11–13). Neuland was such a face. Yale University Printer John Gambell suggests that Koch designed the face with the intent of making a modern version of the German black letter (or black face) style. Black letter fonts were used at the time for the setting of important texts, especially Bibles and church-related documents. Koch’s “new black face” attempted to preserve the flared, interlocking forms of the traditional black letter style, while at the same time adopting the sans-serif style around which modernists, like Paul Renner, were building their typefaces. Renner’s Futura, the quintessential example of modernist typography, was designed in 1927, only four years after the Klingspor Type Foundry released Koch’s Neuland (Rock).
Koch’s settings of Neuland in the original German specimen book published by the Klingspor Type Foundry support Gambell’s suggestion. He sets the type with minimal leading and kerning as black letter was typically set (Plate 3). He inserts woodcuts and Greek cross-shaped (+) ampersands as well (Plate 4), a common practice with black letter texts. However, Koch broke with black letter typesetting standards by stripping Neuland of the delicately interlocking serifs commonly used in black letter typography. The result, a font composed of heavy black forms, was visible from great distances and easily distinguishable from lighter-weight typefaces on a page. These qualities made Neuland suitable to advertising. Koch even attempted to set a classified ad in Neuland at the end of the German specimen book (Plate 5).
By the time Neuland reached the United States, its distributor, the Continental Typefounder’s Association, had little interest in Neuland’s uses as a modern black letter, and the specimen book that they prepared promoted Neuland as exclusively an advertising typeface, a “type that attracts attention” (Koch, Loose File, “Klingspor Type Foundry”). The American specimen book showed Neuland used in advertising settings from bank bonds to drywall contracting (Plate 6). Because of the absence of a black letter tradition in the United States and because of the way the Continental Typefounder’s Association promoted Neuland, Koch’s intentions for the font were entirely lost immediately after its introduction in America.
Just as Koch was trying to modernize an ancient form of writing with Neuland in 1923, so too was Carol Twombly with Lithos in 1989. Jonathan Hoefler suggests that “Lithos [is] an interpretation of ancient lapidary writing.” Twombly herself corroborates this: Inscriptions honoring public figures or dedications for temples were intended for public viewing in ancient Greece. Geometric letterforms, free of adornment were chiseled into the stone. These basic shapes are the inspiration for Lithos.
Letterforms like those that inspired Lithos can be seen not only on ancient Greek temples, but also on many modern buildings built in the Classical or Gothic styles, such as on the front entrance to Sterling Memorial Library at Yale University. In his famous book The Elements of Typographic Style, critic Robert Bringhurst notes that many modern typefaces take their inspiration from architectural sources, and, indeed, many of Twombly’s typefaces, like Lithos, come from ancient architecture: Trajan, a serifed face, evolved from carvings on columns in ancient Rome; and Charlemagne, another serifed face, evolved from carvings found in Byzantine temples.
Although Twombly left Trajan and Charlemagne relatively unaltered from their original forms, she made a substantial alteration in Lithos. Twombly decided to create a bold weight for Lithos in addition to its book weight, even though bold-weighted letterforms were nonexistent in ancient Greece. John Gambell suggests that Twombly “may have felt the font was not marketable today without a bold weight.” Regardless of her reasons, Lithos’ bold-weighted anachronism is now Neuland’s bastard child. Lithos’ flared edges, heavy lines, square characters, and pen-like strokes are analogous to Neuland’s trademark elements, and the fonts are virtually identical to the untrained eye. Indeed, Lithos’ close formal approximation to Neuland makes it virtually interchangeable with Neuland for designers working on African and African-American projects.
Because Lithos follows Neuland historically and formally, and because printers and designers used Neuland in African and African-American projects before Twombly even conceived Lithos, the resolution of the Neuland Question rests in reconstructing Neuland’s history.
Primarily because of both constant anti-African-American sentiment and the socioeconomic status of African-Americans during and after the Civil War, African-American graphic culture in the United States prior to Neuland’s release in 1923 and before the Harlem Renaissance in general was unimportant at best and nonexistent at worst. In short, African-Americans did not have the buying power or the social acceptance required to cultivate a significant graphic culture. What graphic culture they did have centered around their depiction in advertisements for products associated with slavery: tobacco and cotton.
Tremendous amounts of ephemera surrounded the tobacco industry from the 1850s until the 1930s, much of which involved racist uses of African-Americans as mascots. Much of this ephemera took the form of trading cards given out in general stores, on street corners, or wherever tobacco was sold (Plate 7). These trading cards were common media for advertising from the 1850s to the 1930s, and generally involved a caricatured picture of a “Negro” and a slogan in dialect (“Sho’ fly, git away from dar”) on the front and information about the product on the back (Plate 8). As tobacco companies had to make these cards cheaply and copiously, the text on the back of these cards was often poorly set with cheap woodblock type rather than with more expensive metal type.
While today woodblock type has a certain nostalgic appeal, designers and typophiles (typographic historians and typography enthusiasts) into the 1950s saw woodblock letters as nothing but lower-class. Immediately upon its release, designers and typophiles linked Neuland’s forms with woodblock type and responded accordingly. In his book Typographic Milestones, typophile Allan Haley charges “Neuland is not considered a particularly practical, useful, or attractive typeface” (70). He later reiterates his point, saying, “[Neuland is] not especially attractive, nor even very useful [
] its realistic applications are quite limited” (73). Typophiles like Haley frequently omitted Neuland from typographic histories altogether, and Neuland soon became a member of the family of fonts that designers call “garbage type”: esoteric, inelegant, difficult to set, and destined, like tobacco ephemera, for the garbage. Neuland’s figurative status as “garbage type” became a literal truth when, as popular design legend has it, printers threw the face away after becoming frustrated with the extraordinary weight of the thick lead letters and the large amount of space the alphabet consumed in their often small print shops.
Apart from being perceived as cheap “garbage,” woodblock type carried with it a legacy of cultural stereotype. Woodblock type was also known as “circus type” because of its frequent use in promoting circuses. An entire culture of “stereotypography” developed around these playful woodblock typefaces as certain “circus types” came to stand for stereotypical visual associations that Americans held about the cultures that the “circus types” were designed to represent. For example, circus promoters used the woodblock type Tokyo when promoting performers from the Orient (Plate 9). Hometown, another “circus type,” is a near match for Neuland (Plate 10), as is Othello, a heavy (black) sign-lettering typeface whose name alludes to the black hero of Shakespeare’s tragedy (Plate 11).
Beyond the circus’ stereotyping of non-Western cultures via woodblock type, cigarette packages, in addition to their advertising, often employed stereotyped and racist themes on their packaging. Two cultures often stereotyped were Egypt (on the packages of Oasis, CafĂ©-Noir, Zima, Egyptian Heroes, and Crocodile cigarettes) and Turkey (on the packages of Fatima, Omar, and Turkey Red cigarettes) (Plate 12). The dominance of these cultures in antiquity ties them to Lithos’ Greek forms. Their use on cigarette packaging ties them to Neuland. Finally, their status as cultural “Others” to the West, in the same way that Africa was seen as a cultural “Other,” figures prominently into determining the cultural implications of the Neuland Question. Jonathan Hoefler explains,
I suspect that designers who use Neuland or Lithos as an approximation of the Africanesque are being unimaginative at best, and jingoistic at worst. [This use of] Neuland
still survives on that appalling cigarette package.1
Before Neuland’s release, the graphic culture of African-Americans exemplified by trading cards, “circus type,” and cigarette packaging typified the racial and socioeconomic stereotype of the “Po’ Negro.” However, the extent to which that attitude continued, and whether the predominant graphic culture in America at the time of Neuland’s release, Art Deco, altered that attitude, remains to be discussed.
Art Deco, a school of art that “responded to the changing taste of society during the ‘Jazz Age’” (Janson 856), started in France shortly after 1900, but its development was postponed until after WWI, when, in 1925, the French dubbed it Le Style Moderne. This is why Art Deco was also known as the French Modern style. This name existed for a short time, but as the style became more international it came to be known as “Art Deco,” getting “Deco” from “decorative,” since the style applied mainly to the decorative (rather than high) arts. Thus, Art Deco, like the woodblock and “circus” typography that came before it, was considered lower-class. Art Historian Anthony F. Janson echoes this point, “[Art Deco’s] everyday objects catered to the lowest common denominator” (856). Having grown up in France around the turn of the century, Art Deco adopted much of the fantasy of Art Nouveau. Oftentimes this fantasy included “a taste for the exotic [
 including] ancient Egypt” (Janson 856). Like cigarette packaging that drew much from ancient Egypt, Art Deco’s Egyptian elements drew heavily on stereotyping the “Other,” a category that included Africa. Finally, Art Deco’s references to “primitive” cultures like Africa created a romanticized ideal that echoed references to “primitive” cultures made by the Primitivists in France a generation before.
Primitivist and Art Deco elements show up in Koch’s own work. In terms of Primitivism, two histories of Koch, Friedrich Matthaus’ Rudolf Koch, ein Werkmann Gottes, and Oskar Beyer’s Rudolf Koch, ein schopferisches Leben include drawings and photographs of Koch’s sculpture, which is nothing if not Primitivistic (Plate 13). Like much of African sculpture, Koch’s sculpture is carved out of dark wood and supported by small animal figurines. Koch savagely scratched out Christian messages into the sculptures in a typeface remarkably similar to Neuland. Koch created Neuland in a similar fashion, creating the letterforms by carving them directly on the metal punches (type blocks), rather than making drawings from which to work (Haley 73). In its original metal version, each character set of Neuland was subtly different from all the others; this wonderful quality has been lost since the type’s adaptation into phototype and then digital forms.
Apart from Neuland, typophiles commonly group another of Koch’s typefaces, Kabel, with Art Deco fonts. Kabel’s quirky lower-case “e” and upper-case “G,” and the entire face’s low x-height position it squarely in the Art Deco typographic aesthetic. Kabel’s German specimen book includes a number of interesting suggestions for its use, most notably for a page of cigar advertisements (Plate 14). The following page continues the tobacco merchandise theme as it predominantly displays a Turkish star-and-crescent symbol (Plate 15).
Though Neuland is not technically an Art Deco typeface, many typophiles group it with Art Deco typefaces anyway. In his Advertising Typographers of America Type Comparison Book, typophile Frank Merriman groups Neuland under the heading “Informal Sans” with true Art Deco faces such as Banco, Studio, Cartoon, Ad Lib, and Samson 2 as well as the sign-lettering face Othello discussed earlier. On the page facing the “Informal Sans,” he shows some Greek pottery fragments found in Corinth from the second half of the 8th century BC (Plate 16). Although Koch was fascinated by Greek lettering – Matthaus’ book displays lettering Koch drew in the manner of Greek tablets (Plate 17) and a book about Koch bears some of his hand-drawn Greek letterforms (Plate 18) – Merriman’s comparison is not based on this fact. He explains the juxtaposition of the “Informal Sans” and the Greek pottery fragments in this way: These [fragments] are nearly as old as any Greek inscription or writing found to date. Their informal nature, whether through ineptitude or choice, is remarkably like that of our informal sans-serifs nearly three milleniums later (71, emphasis mine).
Merriman’s juxtaposition clearly links Neuland and Lithos to one another and to the formal aesthetics of Art Deco, which were positioned in the lower-class and tied to antiquity and stereotypical views of the “Other.” Merriman’s use of the word “informal” to describe the faces marks the cultural snobbery typophiles displayed toward Neuland and faces like it.3 Merriman explicitly suggests this quality by calling the “Informal Sans” “inept.” Implicitly, he suggests it by his name for the group, “Informal Sans.” “Informal” here means “not according to prescribed, official, or customary forms; irregular; unofficial; suitable to or characteristic of casual or familiar speech or writing” (Urdang 683). “Informal” is inartistic, lower-class, and outside the establishment. “Informal” is Merriman’s judgment of American society’s perception of African-American art and, indeed, of African American people themselves.
The book publishing world of the 1920s, 30s, and early 40s, well-versed in Art Deco, did nothing if not underscore the culturally stereotypical qualities that Neuland had already assumed. Book publishers often mockingly coupled the font’s use with titles like “Illiterate Digest,” “Cannibal Cousins,” and, in a visual pun, with the pulp fiction mystery “The Case of the Black-Eyed Blonde” (Plate 19).
By the mid-1940s, long after Art Deco had left, Neuland’s use in African-American texts remained. Famous African-American books such as Richard Wright’s Native Son and Wulf Sachs’ Black Anger (Plate 20) use Neuland on their covers. Critic Ellen Lupton notes, “Neuland has appeared [
] on the covers of numerous books
about the literature and anthropology of Africa and African-Americans” (37). Even today, books that fit into the category that Lupton outlines bear Neuland or Lithos on their covers (Plate 21). While the stereotypes associated with the fonts have remained, their applications have, in fact, increased in the present day beyond just book publishing. Neuland has found its way into Hollywood, used in such films as Jurassic Park, Tarzan, and Jumanji. Subaru used Lithos prominently in the logo for their new car, the Outback. Both fonts appear frequently on all sorts of extreme sports paraphernalia. These uses seem to indicate that in addition to Neuland and Lithos’ prior associations with informality, ineptitude, ugliness, cheapness, and unusability, they have since acquired qualities that suggest “jungle,” “safari,” and “adventure” – in short, Africa. Moreover, “stereotypography” – the stereotyping of cultures through typefaces associated with them – has been increasing as graphic design becomes a greater cultural force: just this year, House Industries, a type foundry in New Jersey, released a family of typefaces called “Tiki Type,” which is meant to signify Polynesia (Plate 22); at the same time, Abercrombie & Fitch, a clothing store catering to twentysomethings, created shirts with meaningless Chinese ideograms on them, meant to look as if they came directly from New York’s predominantly Chinese garment district.
But away from the white-controlled industries of book publishing, movie making, car dealing, adventure seeking, font designing, and designer clothing, in small African-American-controlled sectors of business and culture, no sign of Neuland or Lithos appears. The first issue of Ebony magazine takes more from the classic 1950s typography of Life magazine than from African-American books published at the same time, and other African-American magazine published before Ebony like Common Ground and Lamplighter do the same. Jazz album covers from labels like Blue Note and Verve are steeped in the playful modernism of designer Saul Bass and employ modern typefaces revamped, like Futura, Trade Gothic, and Clarendon, in ways that melt their Modernist frigidity and heat them with the hot beat of Jazz. From Motown in the 1970s to the Fugees today, African-American musicians do not simply ignore Lithos and Neuland on their album covers-they have excised them completely from their visual vocabulary.
As Michael Rock points out, an intrinsic difficulty confronts all designers as they set out to design new cultural texts with the tools of old Modernist typography. “Inevitably,” he observes, “you end up having to refer to other aesthetic systems, and those systems are subject to stereotype.” However, African-Americans from Common Ground to the Fugees seem comfortable reinventing old Modernist typography in new ways rather than developing new, separate systems. Indeed, typography today is still a separate-but-equal world, and prominent African American authors like Terrance McNally still have their work branded as “different” simply as a result of the typeface used on the cover. If, as John Gambell suggests, the typefaces we as a society choose in which to set our messages are meant to stand in for the speaker of the words themselves, than how should we see a speaker with Koch’s “new black face”? If we want to know why the words of African-Americans continue to be lost, we must come to recognize that the “new black face” that voices in Neuland adopt is not a new face at all: it is simply a mask for the old black stereotypes that still persist today.
Bell, Stanley. Modern Ticket and Sign Writing. London: Retail Trader Organization. c. 1920s.
Beyer, Oskar. Rudolf Koch, ein schopferisches Leben. Kassel: Barenreiter-Verlag, 1953.
Bringhurst, Robert. The Elements of Typographic Style. Point Roberts, Washington: Hartley & Marks, c. 1992.
“Carol Twombly / Lithos.” Adobe Type Library. 1998.
Common Ground. New York: The Common Council for American Unity, Autumn 1940, Vol. 1.
Ebony. Chicago: Johnson Publishing Company, November 1945, Vol. 1.
Gambell, John. Personal Interview. 9 December 1998.
Guggenheim, Sigfried. Rudolf Koch: His Work and the Offenbach Workshop. Woodstock, Vermont: William Edwin Rudge, 1947.
Haley, Allan. Typographic Milestones. New York: Van Nostrand Reinhold, c. 1992.
Haupt, Georg. Rudolf Koch der Schreiber. Weimar: Gesellschaft der Bibliophilen, 1936.
Heller, Stephen. Jackets Required. San Francisco: Chronicle Books, c. 1995.
Hoefler, Jonathan. Personal e-mail. 7 December 1998.
Janson, H. W. History of Art. New York: Harry N. Abrams, Inc., 1995.
Koch, Rudolf. Briefe. Munchen: Akademie fur das Graphische Gewerbe, c. 1957.
Hausliches Leben: Schattenbilder / von Rudolf Koch; mit einem Nachwort von Ernst Kellner. Liepzig: Insel-Verlag, c. 1934.
– . Loose File, AOB X94 K51 1, 2, 3, especially “Neuland” and “Klingspor Type Foundry.” Found in Art of the Book Collection, Sterling Memorial Library, Yale University, New Haven, CT.
Lamplighter. New York: The Harlem Evening High School, no date given, Vol. 1.
Lupton, Ellen. Mixing Messages: Graphic Design in Contemporary Culture. New York: Princeton Architectural Press, 1996.
Personal Interview. 15 December 1998.
Marsh, Graham, et al., eds. Blue Note: the Album Cover Art. San Francisco: Chronicle Books, c. 1991.
Matthaus, Friedrich. Rudolf Koch, ein werkmann Gottes. Hamburg: Agentur des rauen huses, c. 1935.
McMillan, Terry, ed. Breaking Ice: an Anthology of Contemporary African-American Fiction. New York: Viking, 1990.
Merriman, Frank. Advertising Typographers of America Type Comparison Book. New York: Advertising Typographers of America, 1965.
Mullen, Chris. Cigarette Pack Art. New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1979.
“Paul Renner / Futura.” Adobe Type Library. 1998.
Rock, Michael. Personal Interview. 14 December 1998.
Roses, Loraine Elena and Ruth Elizabeth Randolph, eds. Harlem’s Glory: Black Women Writing. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1996. Solo, Dan X. Circus Alphabets: 100 Complete Fonts from the Solotype Typographers Catalog. New York: Dover Publications, 1989.
Tobacco Trading Cards. AOB 3, Trade Cards Box 2, “Abecdariums-Business Cards.” Found in Art of the Book Collection, Sterling Memorial Library, Yale University, New Haven, CT.
Urdang, Laurence, ed. The Random House Dictionary of the English Language. New York: Random House, 1968.
Hoefler is referring to the American Spirit cigarette packaging, a perfect latter-day example of what I’ve discussed. ↩
Samson’s creator clearly felt the typeface carried as much visual weight as the character Samson (a strongman for Biblical times) could actually carry. Thus, in the same way Othello is named for its blackness, Samson is named for its strength. ↩
This snobbery is explained earlier in the discussion of “garbage type.”

(23)

2005

Non-existent Design: Women and the Creation of Type

Sibylle Hagmann

When invited to parlicipale in an exhibition about typefaces, called Frische Schriften/FreshType, in the Museum of Design in Zurich in 2004. I was the only female out of more than 25 designers to exhibit recent digital font designs. This fact went almost entirely unmentioned in the accompanying catalog published on the occasion of the exhibition, with the exception of Francois Rappo's contribution. His essay Write it, Damn You, Write it! (Janser, 2004) very briefly acknowledges the lack of gender diversity among type designers: What about the 'softer' culture-oriented fields, the 'gender bent'? How does the 'techno' thematic emphasis [form] fit in with the realization, be it simply empirical, that the designers represented here (but also in graphic design in general) are predominantly and insistently male? (p. 86) Rappo raises the issue of gender in relation to design and the stereotypical association between technology and masculinity. Being the only female invited among these boy whiz kids, I put the blame first on the country's retrogressive gender equality. and second - stereotyping myself - on women's reluctance to deal with technology. But somehow these explanations for the lack of female representatives didn't completely satisfy me, especially since over time I came across other signs that indicated a global predominance of male type designers. One hint of this is 1ype8ase1, an online type site listing type creators and offering detailed information on 31 designers. of whom Emigre co-founder Zuzana Licko is the only woman designer featured. This lack of gender diversity is also evident in publications featuring type designs, which are perhaps unintentionally filled with alphabets created by a majority of male designers. To this day, there are very few women who have made it into the ranks of accomplished and industry-accepted type designers. Out of the 478 font designers represented by the Linotype type foundry only 59 (12.3%) are female. 2 A brief _-.urvcyo f the gender of invited speakers at recent international typographic conferences such as ATypl. TypeCon, and Typo Berlin also discloses strikingly unequal numbers: for example, ATypl (2003, 2004) and TypeCon (2003, 2004) reveal an average of 15 percent female contributors (Figure I). Out of the total of 68 invited presenters at the Typo Berlin (2004) only 5 were female. The current climate still prevailing at type conferences is one of male 'type gurus'. According to an entry in typographica.' an online journal of typography and a popular blog site, the program planning committee for the 2004 ATypl conference - Crossroads ol Civilization in Prague - consisted of nine prominent, male typographers. Women subconsciously have to conform to the conference culture around them. In 1994 (2 years ago), the Women's Design Research Unit (WD+RU) was established as a response to the male-dominated platform· of speake~s for the London FUSE '94, the interactive publication and conference for innovative typeface design. The problem of exclusion of female professionals was inadvertently stressed. It became obvious that the profession was not accurately represented In terms of female contributors. Apparently the situation has not evolved much since then. This article aims to shed light on the reasons behind the scarcity of female type designers and attempts to suggest strategies for remedying the situation. Some of the questions under diswssion are: What measures could be taken to improve gender inequality in the field or typography in the 21st century? What would be the value of more women designing type and c:ontributing to typography? What forms of unconscious resistance arc there that hold women back from feeling part of type design and typographic culture? {...}

(24)

9999

Grafikdesignerinnen als Ausnahme

Author

Da sich die Historiografie des Designs stark auf die Avantgarde konzentriert und diese als Königsweg identifiziert, wurden und werden Frauen in der Rezeption der Designgeschichte nur als Ausnahmen sichtbar. Zu diesen Ausnahmen im Grafik-Design, bei denen Frauen sich â€șmodernen Bewegungen anschlossen, zĂ€hlen * Grafikerinnen der Arts & Crafts-Bewegung, insbesondere in Schottland, * Vertreterinnen der Wiener WerkstĂ€tte und * KĂŒnstlerinnen des russischen Konstruktivismus. Grafik-Designerinnen in der Arts & Crafts-Bewegung Wie die Arts & Crafts-Bewegung in England generell Vorbild fĂŒr die spĂ€tere WerkstĂ€tten-Bewegung auf dem Kontinent und in den USA wurde und eine Alternative zur Kunstindustrie und zum Markt des Kunstgewerbes entwickelte, so begrĂŒndete auch ihr Protagonist William Morris eine Reform des Buchgewerbes. Es bildete sich in der Folge ein eigener Entwicklungsstrang der Buchgestaltung heraus, der seine AuslĂ€ufer bis weit in den Jugendstil hatte. In diesem Zusammenhang spielten auch NebenstrĂ€nge der Lebensreform wie die PĂ€dagogik eine große Rolle, die wiederum teilweise DomĂ€nen von Frauen waren. Das Buchgewerbe war, neben dem Textilgewerbe, eine der frĂŒhesten Sparten, die in verstĂ€rktem Maße von Frauen besetzt wurden. In England hatte sich bereits eine Women's Bookbinding Society gebildet, da Frauen hier zu den mĂ€nnlichen Standesorganisationen nicht zugelassen wurden. In Deutschland richtete der private Lette-Verein 1902 eine Buchbinderei-Ausbildung, eine Lehrwerkstatt mit Kundenbetreuung, ein, die Frauen Zugang zu dem ansonsten mĂ€nnlich dominierten Buchgewerbe verschaffen sollte. An Kunstgewer-beschulen in Weimar und Halle waren entsprechende Klassen fĂŒr Frauen eingerichtet worden. 1914 kam es sogar in Leipzig im Rahmen der â€șWeltausstellung fĂŒr Buchgewerbe und Graphikâ€č zur ersten â€șFachfrauen-Weltausstellungâ€č. Frauen hatten hier ein eigenes â€șHaus der Frauâ€č, das von einer Architektin entworfen worden war, und sie gaben einen eigenen Katalog heraus. Besonders in Schottland hatten sich KĂŒnstlerinnen in dieser Reformbewegung einen eigenen Platz erobert. In Glasgow, einer aufsteigenden Industriestadt mit einer progressiven Kunstschule, dem Glasgow Institute of the Fine Arts, fanden sich Grafik-Designerinnen zusammen, die einen so eigenstĂ€ndigen Stil schufen, dass man ihn Glasgow Style nannte. Maßgeblich daran beteiligt waren die â€șGlasgow Girls. Sie wurden vor allem von ihrer Lehrerin Jessie Newberry bei der Entwicklung eines eigenstĂ€ndigen Stils maßgeblich unterstĂŒtzt. Die Designerinnen entwarfen sĂ€mtliche zum Buch gehörigen Details: vom Buchumschlag, der Illustration bis zum Ex-libris, dann Plakate und insgesamt alle flĂ€chigen Illustrationen. Die bekanntesten Vertreterinnen des Glasgow Styles wurden „The Four of Glasgow, kurz auch â€șThe Fourâ€č“ genannt. Insbesondere Margaret Macdonald-Mackintosh hatte einen starken Einfluss auf das Werk von Charles Rennie, wobei sie sich auf die flĂ€chigen Arbeiten konzentrierte: die Plakate, Textilarbeiten, Tapeten, Teppiche und Intarsien. Mit ihren Arbeiten erreichte sie auch unabhĂ€ngig von ihrem Ehemann große Achtungserfolge im Ausland, insbesondere in Wien. Die â€șGlasgow Girlsâ€č hatten sich in ihrem Bereich eine vergleichsweise eigenstĂ€ndige FrauendomĂ€ne erarbeitet. Gefördert von Jessie Newberry wurden einige von ihnen Lehrerin-nen, wie JESSIE M. KING (S. 485) und ANNIE FRENCH (S. 447) am Glasgow Institute of the Fine Arts.

(25)

2023

Modern handwriting: a historical survey

SĂ©bastien Morlighem

Introduction. ‘Writing begins with a basic gesture: a hand holding a pencil traces letters on a page. In the 21st century, very young children can “mark” surfaces, whether intended for this purpose or not, by grasping with care “markers” (pens, felt-tips, pencils) that can be handled without risk, no matter how they hold them: the first jubilant scribbles. However, with a pencil, a metal nib or a felt-tip pen, it will still take them several years to master the writing gestures. Could this learning process be made easier? Should children still be taught to write by hand? In the age of digital messages, is it time for schools to discard the pen for the keyboard?’ 1 [1] A.-M. Chartier, L’école et l’écriture obligatoire, Paris: Retz, 2022, p. 7.
Handwriting and how it is taught in primary schools has been the subject of impassioned debate since the advent of mandatory public education in the Western world. Hundreds of articles and books have been devoted to it, presenting, discussing and criticising models and methods of writing. The most recent study published in France, L’école et l’écriture obligatoire, written by the eminent expert Anne-Marie Chartier, provides an impressive historical synthesis and a vivid description of the current situation. Moreover, it is a welcome reminder of the complex scriptural nature of the act of writing itself, made up of choices and power relations:
‘Learning to write means learning a graphic gesture; however, what kind of writing form should one use to learn to write? There have been hundreds of them, as many as there are fonts on our computers. Press articles that oppose cursive and keyboard speak of “the” cursive, as if there were only one, whereas slanted cursive (English Roundhand) is not the upright cursive (Ronde) that has persisted, even after the introduction of print script in nursery school during the interwar years. In Finland, unlike what has been published [
], pupils learn to write by hand and with a machine: does this double learning cause problems? Was print script chosen because its letterforms are (almost) those of typographic printing?’ 2 2 - A.-M. Chartier, L’école et l’écriture obligatoire, Paris: Retz, 2022, p. 7.
The text you are about to discover is primarily about the many aspects of handwriting, from the late 19th century to the present day. Divided in five sections, it mainly covers Latin writing, but also Cyrillic and Greek; although far from exhaustive, it attempts to give the reader a broad historical perspective and to highlight some recent and contemporary initiatives.
It begins by examining the emergence of new handwriting schemes in Europe and the United States, developed for the sake of public health, or for business.
Latin handwriting, in the 19th century, derived from a number of calligraphic styles that had flourished in the previous century. The English Roundhand script (or Copperplate), in particular, was dominating Europe and the United States of America. However, new models began to emerge. They were the result of more pragmatic and expedient approaches, stemming from the intensification of business penmanship that accompanied the Industrial Revolution and the growth of the consumer society.
Some of them, such as the Spencerian script, quickly became established in the second half of the 19th century in the USA. This system was developed by Platt Rogers Spencer, with the aim of combining dexterity, speed and legibility, both in the professional and the domestic spheres. All these cursive models were based on a variable slant, up to 52° for Spencerian and 55° for Copperplate. In addition, these transformations benefited from the simultaneous arrival of new writing tools on the market. Quills and inkwells were slowly superseded by ever better and more efficient fountain pens. The nature and flexibility of the nib was also a determining factor in the quality and contrast variation of handwriting.
Changes of a different kind began to appear in Europe during the 1860s, challenging the superiority of the well-established calligraphic styles. The first of these was triggered by Vere Foster, an Irish benefactor and publisher of a series of popular copybooks in the English-speaking world until the mid-20th century. Foster, following the recommendations of several teachers and writing masters, brought forward a new, simplified and smoother design named Civil Service script, comprising three models gradually shifting from slanted to upright. 3 3 - On Vere Foster, See Rosemary Sassoon, Handwriting of the Twentieth Century, Bristol: Intellect Books, 2007, pp. 40–1.
This first divergence from traditional slanted cursive writing underlines the possible origin of such changes, this evolution towards verticality being considered a ‘rectification’. It is probable that other models, which were to follow in the wake of Foster’s, were devised in this way. However, others may have been inspired by an already vertical style, such as the Ronde, developed in France during the 17th century and in fact revived during the late 19th century.
An educational and ‘hygienic’ movement, led by medical experts, burgeoned in the German Empire and in Austria-Hungary in the 1880s. Its aim was to support the use of vertical writing, in order to prevent certain ophthalmic and orthopaedic disorders caused by the prolonged use of slanted writing. This concern was swiftly echoed in other European countries; around the same time in Great Britain, the professor John Jackson began to define a new model for vertical writing. He attended the Seventh International Congress of Hygiene and Demography in London, in August 1891, and read a paper that was subsequently published, Handwriting in Relation to Hygiene. The final resolution of the congress confidently stated:
‘as the Hygienic advantages of Vertical Writing have been clearly demonstrated and established both by Medical investigation and practical experiment and [
] as by its adoption the injurious postures so productive of spinal curvature and short sight are to a very great extent avoided, it is hereby recommended that Upright Penmanship be introduced and generally taught in our elementary and secondary schools.’ 4 4 - Handwriting in relation to hygiene: (a paper read at the Congress) by John Jackson. Vertical writing in relation to health: (a report to the Supreme Council of Hygiene) by A. Reuss and A. Lorenz, London: Sampson Low, Marston, 1891, p. 6. Following these recommendations, Austrian and German schools gradually implemented ‘a number of reforms involving not only the slant of the writing, but also the vertical space traversed by the pen, the horizontal length of the copy line, and the distance of the writing line to the copy line’.5 5 - The American System of Vertical Writing, book 1, New York: American Book Co., c. 1894.
Within a few years, Jackson’s approach and his articles had garnered much interest in Great Britain and the USA, culminating in his main study The Theory and Practice of Handwriting, which was published in London in 1893 and New York in 1894. It is essential to quote a few excerpts from this fundamental text in order to understand the context and the stakes of such a reform movement:
‘Writing is almost as important as speaking, there being no occupation or rank in life into which as a potent factor and as an energising influence writing does not enter. [
] Not only is it thus all pervasive throughout civilised society; it rises to even greater prominence and significance in the case of the hundreds of thousands who as secretaries, copyists or clerks follow writing as their profession or business, and derive from it their sole means of subsistence. Such persons are occupied the year round, for from 8 to 16 hours daily, exclusively in clerical work. [
] The writing, and not the writer, has always been the supreme consideration in the growth of the art of penmanship. A certain style of writing was deemed or decreed to be essential, the idea of protest was never entertained, and our ancestors had to bend, cringe and twist under the system of bondage thus established. As to Hygienic principles, these have never been associated even in a remote degree with the history of slanting writing that for some two hundred years has flourished amongst us. [
] Indeed physiological requirements have not been recognised, much less urged, until within the past few years, and even at the present day but few teachers would be found to spontaneously admit any possible connection between Hygiene and Handwriting. That these Hygienic principles should be an integral part of any system of penmanship whatever, there cannot be the shadow of a doubt, but it may be emphatically stated that the existing style of oblique or slant writing has been elaborated not only independently, but in spite of every physiological demand. [
] Vertical Writing is the only specific for these abnormal postures and their train of disastrous consequences. [
] The material difference between this Upright or Perpendicular Style and Slanting Writing is in the Direction of the Downstrokes of the letters; in the former being definitely and absolutely Vertical, in the latter indefinitely and variously Sloped or Oblique. It is incredible what a difference this slight and seemingly insignificant alteration in the down strokes makes, and what an effect it exerts upon the writer. When found in conjunction with the minor characteristics of the system, viz. short loops, minimum thickness and continuity, the results are almost magical.
In recapitulation, to sum up the essentials of an ideal handwriting that shall fulfil the requirements of Hygiene, the demands of Calligraphic canons and the needs of a mixed community, it has been proved that such writing must be Upright, Continuous, Simple and Plain, with short loops, and a minimum of thickness.
If such a style and system be generally adopted and taught, there will result a generation of writers wonderfully superior to the present generation of scribblers whose penmanship will be a credit instead of a disgrace to their country.’ 6 6 - J. Jackson, The Theory and Practice of Handwriting, London: Sampson Low, Marston & Company, 1893, pp. 10–14; 55. Jackson’s seminal views promoted a new aesthetic of cursive writing, almost breaking completely with previous norms and habits. All of a sudden, a multitude of manuals and models sprung up and were disseminated on the North American continent.
A few examples can be distinguished from this abundant flow. A. S. Barnes & Co.’s Vertical Penmanship series of copybooks (New York, American Book Co., 1898) display a continuous round model. It comprises several alternate letterforms, including flourished capitals. One can also mention, in the same style, A. F. Newlands & R. K. Row’s The Natural System of Vertical Writing (Boston, D.C. Heath, 1896), and Horace W. Shaylor’s Vertical Round Hand model (Boston, Ginn & company, 1897). In this series of copybooks, Shaylor lists the main qualities of his writing system as:
‘legibility – simpler forms, shorter letters, wider spaces; rapidity – less distance travelled, greater freedom of movement; economy – save space and time by omitting superfluous strokes, more words on a line, more lines on a page; beauty – greater uniformity and simplicity; hygiene – position more healthful, strain on eyes spared.’ 7 7 - . See also H. W. Shaylor, How to Teach Vertical Writing, Boston: Ginn & company, 1898.
One additional feature should complete this list: ‘monolinearity’ – low contrast between thick and thin strokes. This was obviously facilitated by the introduction of a wide and diverse range of fountain pens in Europe and the USA.
Upright penmanship models started to compete with the widely used Spencerian, which was itself facing the appearance of more innovative slanted cursive designs at the turn of the century. A new method, effectively developed by Austin N. Palmer as a simplification of Spencerian, shared with vertical writing a few hygienic concerns while advocating a different involvement of the body:
‘In the beginning stages of the work, until good position, muscular relaxation, correct and comfortable penholding, and muscular movement as a habit in writing have been acquired, extra practice may be necessary; but the extra time will be saved many times over in all written work later. Muscular movement writing means good, healthful posture, straight spinal columns, eyes far enough away from the paper for safety, and both shoulders of equal height. These features alone should be sufficient to encourage boys and girls to master a physical training system of writing such as is presented in the following pages, remembering that it is impossible to do good muscular movement writing in twisted, unhealthful positions, or with stiff and rigid muscles.
Straight line and oval drills are of no value except as they lead to writing. They are the means through which to gain the muscular control that will enable pupils to master an ideal permanent style of rapid, plain-as-print writing.’ 8 8 - The Palmer Method of Business Writing
, Cedar Rapids, Iowa: A. N. Palmer Co., 1901, p. 3.
The Palmer Method was soon followed by the quite similar system of Charles P. Zaner and Elmer W. Bloser. While the manual describing the former ignored vertical writing, the latter’s, published in 1904, offers a blunt critique of the method’s partial demise as its momentum had ran out of steam:
‘Writing should be plain and rapid. The business world demands it. Slow writing is out of date, and illegible writing is inexcusable, annoying, and dangerous. [
] Copybooks and vertical writing have fostered form at the expense of freedom, and slow, cramped finger movement writing has resulted. Speed and muscular movement theories have fostered freedom at the expense of form, and reckless, scrawling, illegible writing has been the rule. Form without freedom is of little value, and freedom without form is folly. Form and freedom must go hand in hand or failure follows. [
]
The teaching of writing to children necessitated something simple and plain. The vertical met that demand, but failed to satisfy or meet the demands of business. It was suited to childhood rather than to commerce, and thereby failed in general usage at the hands of adults.’ 9 9 - C. P. Zaner, The Arm Movement Method of Rapid Writing, Columbus, Ohio: Zaner & Bloser Co., 1904, preface (n.p.); p. 106.
These comments also show a clear distinction between the two purposes of teaching writing: first for business employees, and afterwards for the general population. Vertical writing, although discarded in the USA in favour of the new methods of fast and slanted cursive writing, was to fare better in other continents later in the 20th century.

(26)

2023

Same, same but different

Thy HĂ 

My interest in letterforms has grown over time, sparked by a variety of experiences. I was born and raised in Saigon (Ho Chi Minh City, Vietnam), a city that blends vintage and modern design styles. Sometimes it's the hand-painted signs that catch my eye, while other times it’s the letters I first wrote with a fountain pen in primary school. Even a piece of food packaging designed in Cooper Black can grab my attention. Although there are some typographic elements similar to those in the West, Vietnam still has its own unique style. Let me walk you through this “same same but different”. (26.1) Cooper Black. What I appreciate most about Saigon is its diverse range of colourful shop signs showcasing unique urban typography. These signs come in various forms, including hand-painted, digitally printed, or vinyl lettering. The popular font used in many of these signs is Cooper Black. It’s unexpectedly surprising! The design of Cooper Black comes in different colours and styles, such as glittering neon lights, outlining and shadow effects, or adorned with sparkling stars. Sometimes, the letters of Cooper Black are compressed or stretched to make them thinner or more delicate.
Localised versions of Cooper Black that include Vietnamese characters have been created and widely distributed for free. For example, VNI-Cooper is a version developed by VNI Software Company, a California-based company founded by Hồ ThĂ nh Việt in 1987 that focuses on developing encodings and popular input methods. This is why Cooper Black is ubiquitous in Vietnam, appearing on everything from street signage to food packaging in supermarkets and even in pagodas. During a recent trip to the north of Vietnam, I visited BĂĄi Đính Pagoda and was surprised to see warning signs set in Cooper Black, which seemed out of place in the sacred atmosphere of the place. I like to joke that “Cooper Black is contagious!” But how did it become so popular and widespread in Vietnam?
(26.2) Cursive writing. Compared to the bold and heavy forms of Cooper Black, cursive letters have always caught my eye and piqued my interest in letterforms. In Vietnamese culture, cursive writing is highly valued and regarded as an important skill that all students must master. We were taught to practice Ronde and Copperplate scripts, which are the standard styles prescribed by the Bộ GiĂĄo dỄc vĂ  Đào TáșĄo (Ministry of Education & Training). Handwriting contests for students are held at both school and district levels. I loved nothing more than competing and showing off my skills at these events. To win the top prize, I spent hours perfecting each letter, pressing my hand to produce perfect downstrokes until I had the “nerd bump” The criteria for winning was having the right letter proportions, the right stroke thickness, and the correct angle for each letter.
I was also curious about the differences between printed letters in textbooks and handwritten letters. Why is the printed ‘b’ just a vertical line combined with a circle, while the handwritten ‘b’ contains so many loops and sometimes includes thin upstrokes and thick downstrokes?
Sharing the same interest in handwriting letters, my typography collective, LÆ°u Chữ, has worked together on a research article discussing the origin and evolution of Vietnamese handwriting&nvsp;styles.
(26.3) The Vietnamese writing system. (26.3.1) Hån and NÎm scripts Throughout its history, the Vietnamese writing system has undergone three significant changes. The first was the Classical Chinese system (chữ Hån or chữ Nho), as Chinese dynasties played a significant role in shaping Vietnamese culture and literature. Subsequently, Vietnamese scholars developed their own writing system, chữ NÎm, based on Chinese ideographs. However, this writing system was used exclusively by the elite and privileged; records indicate that only 0.05% of the population could understand it (1).
(26.3.2) The emergence of Latin script The introduction of the Latin alphabet in Vietnam during the 17th century brought significant changes. It was initiated by Catholic missionaries who wanted to transcribe religious texts for new converts (2). This allowed a broader population, including those who could not read NĂŽm ideographs, to have access to the texts. Later on in the late 19th century, the writing system was adopted in social fields because it was easy to learn, remember and use for daily communication, thanks to its “speak as you write” maxim. This made it easier to spread the writing system compared to the previous HĂĄn and NĂŽm scripts. France, at that time, implemented a policy in the South of Vietnam that required all administrative documents to be presented in the Quốc Ngữ script. Schools were also required to teach reading and writing in Quốc Ngữ alongside French. The aim was to completely eliminate the use of HĂĄn and NĂŽm scripts in the South. Similar regulations were applied in the North and Central regions in the early 20th century.
(26.3.3) The revolution against the Enemy of Illiteracy From 1938 to 1945, Vietnamese intellectuals promoted the use of the Vietnamese alphabet. This included the “BĂŹnh DĂąn Học VỄ” movement, which aimed to teach literacy to people of all ages. Prior to the movement, only 3% of Vietnamese children and 2% of adults were literate. However, after the first year of the movement, over 2.5 million people learned how to read and write. By 1950, nearly 12.2 million people (around 49.1% of Vietnam's population at the time) were literate (3). One of the advisory members of the Society for the Propagation of the Vietnamese Alphabet, HoĂ ng XuĂąn HĂŁn, invented the “Method: I-tờ” to make learning to read and write easier (4). This method used luc-bat verses to differentiate the characteristics of each letter. (Vietnamese) i, t(tờ), cĂł mĂłc cáșŁ hai. i ngáșŻn cĂł cháș„m, t(tờ) dĂ i cĂł ngang; e, ĂȘ, l(lờ) cĆ©ng một loĂ i. ĂȘ đội nĂłn chĂłp, l(lờ) dĂ i thĂąn hÆĄn; o trĂČn nhÆ° quáșŁ trứng gĂ . ĂŽ thĂŹ đội mĆ©, ÆĄ lĂ  thĂȘm rĂąu o, a hai chữ khĂĄc nhau vĂŹ a cĂł cĂĄi mĂłc cĂąu bĂȘn mĂŹnh. (English) i and t both have a tail. i is short with a dot, t is long with a crossbar e, ĂȘ, l are the same kind. ĂȘ wears a conical hat, l's body is longer; o is round like an egg. ĂŽ wears a hat, while ÆĄ sports a moustache. o, a are two different letters 'cause a has a hook on the side.
(26.3.4) The official Vietnamese handwriting model Why the upright style? In “The Art of Writing,” BĂči BĂĄ Nghệ notes that Germany and England had national writing education programs in the late 1890s and early 1900s. John Jackson introduced the Upright script as a replacement for the Italic script, which had been used previously. The Upright script is easier to write because of the upright posture and focus on the distance between the notebook and the writer's eyes. Although there is debate about the change, some argue that the Upright script is shorter, requiring less hand movement than the Italic script and therefore saving time. The Upright script represents an important milestone in the transition of students' handwriting in Europe and is still used in Vietnam today.
Cursive writing has been with me since the early days of my journey as a type designer. It has greatly influenced the way I create letters, leading me to favour tall ascenders. This influence can be seen in the early stages of my reverse-contrast typeface, Umbrella. It can also be seen in the single-storey “a” and“i” with tails in my Mighty Mono, as I continued to explore the possibilities of cursive writing.
After my exploration of Cooper Black and cursive writing in Vietnam, I am intrigued to delve deeper into the relationship between handwriting and type design. I often reflect on Gerrit Noordzij's definition of typography as “writing with prefabricated characters”. His argument that most printing typefaces and type design have roots in handwriting is fascinating and thought-provoking. According to Noordzij, handwriting reveals the logical construction of letters, especially through the translation, expansion, and rotation that occurs when writing with a pen.(5) I am excited to explore this connection further, particularly in the context of Eastern culture. In some ways, Eastern culture is 'same, same but different' from Western culture.
[1] Quỳnh, Z.M.(2022) QuĂŽÌc ngữ: The Shackle that became the sword, DVAN. Available at: https://dvan.org/2022/03/quoc-ngu-south-vietnam (Accessed: April 22, 2023).
[2] Fernandes, Gonçalo & Assunção, Carlos.(2017). First codification of Vietnamese by 17th-century missionaries: The description of tones and the influence of Portuguese on Vietnamese orthography. Histoire EpistĂ©mologie Langage. 39. 155–176. 10.1051/hel/2017390108.
[3] Chuyện về phong trĂ o diệt giáș·c dốt 70 năm trước(no date) Laodong.vn. Available at: https://laodong.vn/archived/chuyen-ve-phong-trao-diet-giac-dot-70-nam-truoc-697946.ldo (Accessed: April 22, 2023).
[4] HoĂ ng, H.X.(1988)Nhớ láșĄi hội truyền bĂĄ quốc ngữ, Diễn Đàn Forum. Available at: https://www.diendan.org/tai-lieu/doan-ket/nho-lai-hoi-truyen-ba-quoc-ngu (Accessed: April 22, 2023).
[5] Noordzij, G. and Enneson, P.(2019)‘6’, in The stroke: Theory of writing. Amsterdam: Uitgeverij de Buitenkant, Royal Academy of Art.

(27)

2022

“Latin script has certainly been a powerful tool in colonization.”

TypeRoom

A project years in the making, Sam Winston’s latest book sheds light on the many endangered alphabets, beautiful letterforms, and mysterious scripts we should preserve. With “One & Everything” the fine artist and co-creator of the New York Times best-selling “A Child of Books,” celebrates the power of stories and written languages in a story that incorporates “over 40 different scripts and a potentially infinite amount of languages.”
“It’s a tale about a story that goes around eating all the other stories” explains author and illustrator Winston about his new book that is inspired by the Endangered Alphabets project.
For his rooted in type and culture project Winston “uses writing systems such as cuneiform and Tibetan, Egyptian hieroglyphs and ogham” illustrating the book in his signature typography-based style. By using symbols and letters that have relayed the world’s stories over the centuries Winston aims to give language a voice in print.
“Often when we think about diversity the mind doesn’t naturally go to alphabets but in a world of books, for a language to exist it must first be seen” he notes about the book.
“Once there were many stories in the world. There were stories with sunsets and wonderful tales... but one day, a story decided that it was the best, the most important story ever. It called itself the One and started to consume every other story it came across” reads the synopsis of the awarded artist’s ingenious project that continues his non-stoping typographic endeavors. Here Typeroom caught up with Winston about this bold tale about the letters that matter the most.
Typeroom: How long have you been working on the project?
Sam Winston: I have been working on One & Everything for over five years, in part due to researching all the different scripts and alphabets but also because of the type of imagery I make. It’s time-consuming because most of the illustrations are created by moving and placing single letters one at a time.
TR: What inspired you?
SW: The last book I worked on was translated into 23 languages and watching the process of the book travel (and change meaning) interested me. I was also aware of language loss and wanted to know more about that. The final piece of inspiration was an insight I had some time ago; all it takes is a change of perspective to change our world.
TR: What was the most challenging aspect of this project?
SW: On a technical level, having 50 scripts (alphabets, syllabaries, writing systems) in one software file is a nightmare. Editorial changes were complicated because the email platform would unintentionally swap letters around and the desktop publishing software also really struggled to align properly. I don’t recommend having multiple left and right reading languages on the same page! I also didn’t make it easier by having thousands of single text boxes making up the art and believe me, this is not how you are supposed to use text boxes.
TR: With many indigenous scripts going extinct or being endangered, would you consider that language has been a victim of colonization from Latin?
SW: It’s a brave question to ask because it’s both a sensitive and complicated subject. World language finding a home in print (or on the screen) will never be a simple story. Language does not flourish outside of culture and asking how the globalized world can meet our communities is still one of the most pressing questions of our time.
Younger generations must see their spoken heritage as part of their future. A majority language can carry the aura of employment and mobility which is a major factor in whether people deem their native language as equally valuable. Localization of culture, especially for children and teenagers, reinforces the message that their heritage belongs in tomorrow’s world.
But the short answer is yes, sadly Latin script has certainly been a powerful tool in colonization.
TR: Which would you consider the most impressive finding you came across while working on O&E?
SW: The thing that still blows my mind is that writing is so young in comparison to the human story. To the best of our knowledge, full writing systems did not appear until a few thousand years ago. This means writing has only happened for a tiny percentage of our species’ lifespan.
TR: How many languages are there in the world?
SW: Current estimates have it at around 7000+ but more if we look at signing and other forms of language.
TR: Do you think technology will play a vital role in saving languages from oblivion?
SW: Like most things, the use of technology is completely down to the motivation of the user. If the technology is there to support the agenda of one language, organization, or ideology – then no it won’t. But if technology is designed in a way that is open, accessible, and has affordable entry points, then sure, we could see some amazing developments. This is very much at the heart of the book.
TR: Which measures should be taken to preserve these endangered languages/scripts?
SW: I recommend looking at the Endangered Languages Archive, the Atlas of endangered alphabets, and the UNESCO Indigenous Languages Decade has a lot to explore. There are a lot of good archives for one to explore. Google Noto fonts are also a useful entry point. These organizations are running amazing initiatives. The new generations need to see their language as part of their future. There will certainly be majority languages in the future but that doesn’t mean we have to live in a monoculture.
TR: If you were a centuries-old script, which one would you be and why?
SW: I don’t think I could choose one but I suspect that it’d be a script that is partly legible with plenty of odd bits added later on. I would say Ogham is a script I love, it’s an ancient Irish alphabet that was invented in about the fourth century CE and used in short messages carved on wooden sticks. It was later used for inscriptions on stone monuments and everyday objects and it’s occasionally found in the margins of medieval manuscripts for jokes, secrets, or spells. Ogham stones are amazing and well worth looking up.
TR: The publication of “One & Everything” coincides with the launch of the United Nations International Decade of Indigenous Languages. Can you tell us more about this initiative?
SW: It’s a global community that’s working towards the preservation, revitalization, and support of indigenous languages worldwide. Today it’s believed more than half the world’s population speaks one of only twenty-three languages from the thousands in existence and a lot of the smaller languages are under threat.
TR: What are you working on now?
SW: I am constantly exploring the places where words come into being. That can be anything from a typewriter, pencil, letterpress, printer, or computer. I am working on a new artist book that explores the history (or lack of) of our spoken language and I also have a new project with Oliver Jeffers coming toward publication.
TR: Which is the ideal music theme to accompany this interview?
SW: There is a quote in the endangered languages archive where some elders of Animere were lamenting — “we do not have anyone to sing our songs.” Yet, on the same web page, there is a video of a group of elders of Animere all singing and dancing in a circle. It shows them bubbling with joy, friendship, and life all jumping around and having a brilliant time. It looks like a blast. That’s the theme tune to the interview and what I hope the book celebrates.
Sam Winston is a fine artist whose work has been featured in many special collections worldwide. Tate Britain, the British Library, the Library of Congress in Washington, D.C and MoMA NYC, among others, hold his artist’s books in their permanent collections. Projects involving drawings, and installations have taken place at institutes such as The Victoria and Albert Museum, The Barbican Centre, and The Whitechapel Gallery. His first picture book, A Child of Books, co-created with Oliver Jeffers, was a New York Times bestseller and won a Bologna Palazzi Award. Sam Winston works and lives in London.

(28)

2023

Challenges, lessons and the finest type design from Southeast Asia

TypeRoom

For years, decades and centuries, all conversations about design were focused only on the western world. Fortunately, lately this narrative has changed. There have been active and powerful initiatives that strive to offer visibility, space and voice to diverse communities, indigenous cultures and developing nations that have suffered from colonialism, wars and socio-economic turmoil. The Southeast Asian Types No.1 by Further Reading is a publication that does exactly that. We do not often read about typography and type design in Southeast Asia and it is about time that we do.
“Prior to—and even during—the era of colonialism, countries in Southeast Asia, which are currently home to 8–9 per cent of the world’s total population, have consistently served as open trade hubs where influences from various cultures, such as China, Arabia, and India, converged. The confluence of these historical factors ultimately shaped the present-day regional identity of Southeast Asia, encompassing the languages spoken, scripts used, religious practices, and the realm of arts and culture”, writes the Editor’s note.
It is evident that these countries carry a vast and multifaceted treasure trove of histories, influences and experiences and while in the past creatives have been looking towards the West in order to align their aesthetic, lately they are starting to look back and towards their own culture, heritage and creative past. This zine is the perfect gateway for us to know the type design scene in Southeast Asia and start a cross-cultural dialogue and fruitful exchange.
The first essay, 'Improving Typographic Options in Southeast Asia', starts by touching on a practical but super important issue: incorporating native Southeast Asian scripts into the online environment. The author, Ben Mitchel, explains that although it is a given for anyone to use their computer for the Latin alphabet, this was not a reality for Southeast Asia until recently, as various texts, like the Burmese text, could not be rendered on browsers.
On 'Mistakes Acknowledged, Notes Taken, and Lessons Learned', Mint Tantisuwanna takes us on a type design journey, writing about her project ‘Arabika’ and explaining the nitty-gritty details. ‘ABC of Roxy’ presents the Each Other Company/Aditya Wiraatmaja initiative, which designed a distinctive collection of fonts by converting several vernacular types in Jakarta's Roxy neighbourhood into letterforms.
Moreover, in this zine you can get to know creatives and typefoundries from Southeast Asia through thorough and interesting interviews - from Singapore’s Fable Type Foundry and type collective ‘Death of Typography’ , to Thailand and Cadson Demak’s Anuthin Wongsunkakon and Indonesia with Leonard Tanuwijaya. Of course, a zine would not be complete without strong visuals and that is why you can browse through exquisite examples of type design, crafted by designers from Southeast Asian countries.
All in all, this zine is an entertaining and at the same time educational resource for designers, creatives, educators and anyone interested in the creative industry. By offering insightful knowledge and bringing so many talented and hard-working designers to the spotlight, this zine manages to present a holistic and comprehensive overview of the type design culture, scene and reality in Southest Asia. At the same time, it manages to touch on severe problems, issues and difficulties that these communities face without losing its positive attitude and hope for an inclusive, creative future. It is for sure a must have for any typophile that does not want to remain stuck in the same stereotypical, western rules and aesthetics.

(29)

2020

The History of Handwriting Letters in the World

Cao Xuùn Đức

Since the early days of 2015 when Luu Chu was first formed until now, there have always been questions that Luu Chu wants to find answers to in any of the group’s activities. Those are “What does this script contain? And why does it look the way it does today?”. The series of articles “Overview of scripts around the world” and “History of script development in Vietnam” were shaped to answer these two questions, with the hope that through the upcoming articles, the curiosity and love for the group’s script as well as those who share the same passion will be somewhat satisfied. Starting the series of articles on the history of script systems around the world, the introductory article will focus on three main factors: CONCEPT, CHARACTERISTICS OF SCRIPT USAGE, MAIN SCRIPT SYSTEMS.
Wise men (Homo Sapien) have been on Earth for 300,000 years, and writing has appeared within the last 5,000 years. As a small comparison: if the history of mankind on Earth is condensed into 24 hours, writing would appear at 11:36 PM. Looking at the numerical aspect, writing seems to arrive late compared to the evolutionary process of humans. However, in terms of society, in those 5,000 years, from scattered and small living habits, thanks to writing, humans have built large civilizations with complex and dense social organizations. If writing had been present as soon as the ancestors of humans evolved into Homo Sapiens, the year 2020 would likely be very different from what we have now.
(29.1) DEFINITION. Writing is composed of characters. When these character strings are placed next to each other, following a certain logic, they create continuous streams of information like trains running through the brain incessantly.
If these characters are arranged in disorder, it will hinder the reading and understanding speed of the recipient, and may even cause them to misunderstand the issue. Therefore, there is a certain rule when it comes to writing, as Powell defines: “Writing is a system of markings with a conventional reference that communicates information.” [1] When the reader understands and can reproduce your ideas, it means that writing has successfully fulfilled its assigned task.
(29.2) CHARACTERISTICS OF SCRIPT USAGE. Because writing is born out of the desire to convey ideas and words from one person to another or a group of people, it inherently has the following characteristics:
(1) Storage - information, whether small like what you need to buy for dinner today hastily written on a note or in your phone, or larger like knowledge or history in books or encyclopedias, are all data that writing can encode and transmit.
(2) Personal and Symbolic - each line of writing reflects the thoughts of the writer, and each person will have a unique handwriting and way of writing and using words.
(3) Systemization - for each country, the number of languages will not stop at 1 or 2, and for each language, there will be many variations depending on the locality - also known as dialects. In Vietnam, for example, we have one language - Vietnamese as the national language, and 3 dialect systems divided geographically: North, Central, and South. If each dialect requires a different script system, then you need to understand 3 script systems to be able to read Vietnamese fluently at that time. Using a Latin script system for 3 dialect systems helps Vietnamese learners - both in the country and abroad - much easier, as even though there are differences in sound and meaning, they can all be attributed to a script system that the majority of people use.
But because writing contains a lot of information and thoughts, from the individual to the collective or larger national level, it cannot be said that it is not (4) Political and cultural - while each line of writing represents the thoughts of the writer, this characteristic is not just about identification as mentioned above but wants to emphasize the systems of thought and ideas that writing encapsulates
(29.3)MAIN SCRIPT SYSTEMS [2] There are four main script systems in the world. We are familiar with the Latin alphabet system used in Quoc Ngu (1 - Latin alphabet system belonging to the Alphabet), and ancient Vietnamese characters, Chinese characters, NĂŽm characters (2 - Ideographic characters/Symbols). In addition, we can further divide script systems into two branches: 3 - Phonosemantic and 4 - Logographic (*). When encountering these script systems in future articles, if identified again, Luu Chu will delve deeper into them, but at the current time, Luu Chu would like to leave the definitions to researchers, and note the definitions for references and citations in the References and Notes section below.
In the 5000 years of development, writing did not follow a straight line. To go through more than 300 script systems with 7000 current languages would be a long journey, so Luu Chu will only focus on the main script systems in the world, and the influence of these systems on the language and writing in Vietnamese.
The starting point of the universe is considered the Big Bang, while the starting point of writing is where, and what did writing look like before being molded over time? Luu Chu will devote Article 2 - Once upon a time - The pre-script system to talk about this content. Let’s look forward to it together.
REFERENCES. [1] Powell, B. B. (2012). Writing: Theory and history of the technology of civilization (p.13). Chichester, England: Wiley-Blackwell. (https://www.wiley.com/en- vn/Writing:+Theory+and+History+of+the+Technology+of+Civilization-p-9781405162562)
[2] Ghosh, D., Dube, T., & Shivaprasad, A. (2010). Script recognition—a review. IEEE Transactions on pattern analysis and machine intelligence, 32(12), 2142-2161. (https://www.researchgate.net/publication/47544548_Script_Recognition-A_Review) NOTES.
(*) Currently, there are some concepts that Luu Chu is not sure how to translate into Vietnamese, such as the Hangul script system of South Korea, which many sources call Featural - Luu Chu will temporarily translate it as Symbolic for the most literal meaning of this word. More information about the Featural script system can be found at this link. If there is an opportunity, Luu Chu will have a more in-depth exploration of this Hangul script system in the future.

(30)

2021

Once apon a Time - Before Handwriting Letters

Cao Xuùn Đức

Nowadays, whenever you travel to a new country, if you understand and can read the language there, your journey will be much easier. Alternatively, if not, Google Translate is still a reliable companion. However, if the destination is Earth in its early days, it seems that language or Google Translate might not be very useful. So how can you communicate with people at that time? If trying to use the Vietnamese language to communicate, it seems like we are hitting a dead end. Is there another way to communicate with them? I believe you can use your hands to draw shapes describing the world around you, and through that, communicate with people of that time. This is also the way prehistoric humans used to exchange information, with drawings found in caves around the world or on later clay or stone tablets. These drawings are the origin of writing - also known as proto-writing. Despite being primitive and rudimentary, proto-writing can be considered the ancestor of over 3000 writing systems that came later.
(30.1) PROTO-WRITING: WHAT IS IT? Proto-writing is the origin of writing, using drawings, characters, or easily memorable images to convey very limited information. Writing and proto-writing are similar in that both are used to convey information, but the information that writing can contain is much larger than what proto-writing can provide. To understand this, you can compare the prototype versions of the mobile apps you use every day with the current versions; you will see how much those apps have progressed from their early wireframe drawings.
Even in the current era of scientific development, we still approach and use systems similar to proto-writing every day. For example, in mathematics, concepts of addition, subtraction, multiplication, and division are expressed by symbols like +, -, ×, Ă·. In music, notes placed at different positions on the staff indicate the pitch of the sound. These characters like x squared, delta, or sharp sign in mathematics and music are created to convey a certain limited meaning, but to say that this is writing as we usually know it is still not enough. Even though there is a certain logic behind it, it lacks the language element and representation of daily human communication.
(30.2) CHARACTERISTICS OF PROTO-WRITING. Proto-writing is the source of writing, so it is very primitive and has many limitations. It can be used to convey the most basic ideas about the world around us - mostly to describe what the eyes see and the ears hear, such as the sun, animals of that time, or about people and tribes in which they live. When it comes to more abstract concepts, such as feeling bored or angry, proto-writing lacks the ability to convey these ideas. Besides, proto-writing does not have a specific language structure, and when looking at proto-writing, it is very difficult to reproduce the language that people of ancient times used.
(30.3) PROTO-WRITING SYSTEMS AROUND THE WORLD Images H.4, H.5, and H.6 respectively show: (1) Drawings in Lascaux Cave, France (2) Proto-cuneiform inscribed on clay by Victor Goloubev found in Sapa in 1925 (3) Rongorongo characters found on Easter Island in the 19th century. The drawings in Lascaux Cave are often mentioned as the starting point of writing and human art. Proto-cuneiform is the first complete writing system in the world, appearing in Sumer around 31st century BCE. Rongorongo is a character system found on Easter Island in the 19th century.
It's challenging to say how many proto-writing systems existed. Although today we know about more than 3000 different writing systems, many proto-writing systems fell behind without developing into a complete writing system. Proto-writing also took on many different forms, depending on the time it emerged. However, when people talk about proto-writing, many documents mention drawings in caves with traces describing humans and life at that time as the starting point for all proto-writing systems and writing systems later on. This is also considered the beginning of human art history.
(30.3) PROTO-WRITING IN VIETNAM. In the history of Vietnam up to the present time, we have gone through more than 4000 years. The name of the country, territorial boundaries, and ethnic groups over time have become more diverse. From the research of archaeologists at sites across the country, the results show the presence of proto-writing in Vietnam:
1. Proto-writing of the Lac Viet people, Dong Son Culture - Professor Le Trong Khanh [2]
2. Proto-writing carved on stone found by Victor Goloubev in Sapa in 1925.
3. Proto-writing of the Arem people - a group of Chut people in Quang Binh found in 1956.
4. Guttu script - Proto-writing of the Hre people found in Quang Ngai. Images H.7 and H.8 show proto-writing of the Arem people - a group of Chut people in Quang Binh. These are cropped images from the fictional documentary "The Three House" (2019) by Director Truong Minh Quy.
This topic will be presented in more detail in the following chapters related to the formation of Vietnamese language and the Quoc Ngu writing system. Despite the questions and difficulties in interpreting proto-writing systems, I think proto-writing is very significant for our lives today. Those simple characters and drawings, over time, applied to new contexts in life, have transformed into very familiar language systems to us now. Once upon a time, proto-writing was born. It marked the beginning of the world's civilization and laid the foundation for the great stories that followed.
REFERENCES
[1] Gelb I. J. (1963) A Study of Writing (p.24) University of Chicago Press.
[2] Professor Le Trong Khanh. The discovery of ancient Vietnamese script belonging to Khoa dau type, Publishing House of Encyclopedia Center of Trang An Culture, published in 2010, Hanoi.
ADDITIONAL RESOURCES
[1] In her 2015 Ted talk, Genevieve von Petzinger - a Canadian rock art researcher - mentioned the similarity in shapes of rock art found around the world, from caves in France and Spain to the other side of the globe in Indonesia and New Zealand. It seems that humans of that time had a shared view of the world, no matter where they were. (https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=hJnEQCMA5Sg).
[2] Alphabet Series: The Story of Writing (Part 1) - This video not only covers proto-writing but also talks about the story of characters from the early days until now. (https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=7IUBglyvt80)
[3] "The Tree House" (2019) by Director Truong Minh Quy. The film features the presence of ethnic minority communities in Vietnam. In particular, the Chut people in Quang Binh province talk about the caves - where they used to live with proto-writing signs. (https://mubi.com/films/the-tree-house-2019

(31)

2021

Who Invented the Alphabet?

Cao XuĂąn Đức, LĂȘ Quốc Huy

New scholarship points to a paradox of historic scope: Our writing system was devised by people who couldn’t read
(31.1) HIEROGLYPHS. Hieroglyphs line the walls in a shrine to the goddess Hathor at Serabit el-Khadim. Courtesy Lydia Wilson Centuries before Moses wandered in the “great and terrible wilderness” of the Sinai Peninsula, this triangle of desert wedged between Africa and Asia attracted speculators, drawn by rich mineral deposits hidden in the rocks. And it was on one of these expeditions, around 4,000 years ago, that some mysterious person or group took a bold step that, in retrospect, was truly revolutionary. Scratched on the wall of a mine is the very first attempt at something we use every day: the alphabet.
The evidence, which continues to be examined and reinterpreted 116 years after its discovery, is on a windswept plateau in Egypt called Serabit el-Khadim, a remote spot even by Sinai standards. Yet it wasn’t too difficult for even ancient Egyptians to reach, as the presence of a temple right at the top shows. When I visited in 2019, I looked out over the desolate, beautiful landscape from the summit and realized I was seeing the same view the inventors of the alphabet had seen every day. The temple is built into the living rock, dedicated to Hathor, the goddess of turquoise (among many other things); stelae chiseled with hieroglyphs line the paths to the shrine, where archaeological evidence indicates there was once an extensive temple complex. A mile or so southwest of the temple is the source of all ancient interest in this area: embedded in the rock are nodules of turquoise, a stone that symbolized rebirth, a vital motif in Egyptian culture and the color that decorated the walls of their lavish tombs. Turquoise is why Egyptian elites sent expeditions from the mainland here, a project that began around 2,800 B.C. and lasted for over a thousand years. Expeditions made offerings to Hathor in hopes of a rich haul to take home.
(31.2) SPHINX DISCOVERED AT SERABIT. Goldwasser calls the sphinx discovered at Serabit “the Rosetta stone of the alphabet.” British Museum In 1905, a couple of Egyptologists, Sir William and Hilda Flinders Petrie, who were married, first excavated the temple, documenting thousands of votive offerings there. The pair also discovered curious signs on the side of a mine, and began to notice them elsewhere, on walls and small statues. Some signs were clearly related to hieroglyphs, yet they were simpler than the beautiful pictorial Egyptian script on the temple walls. The Petries recognized the signs as an alphabet, though decoding the letters would take another decade, and tracing the source of the invention far longer.
The Flinders Petries brought many of the prizes they had unearthed back to London, including a small, red sandstone sphinx with the same handful of letters on its side as those seen in the mines. After ten years of studying the inscriptions, in 1916 the Egyptologist Sir Alan Gardiner published his transcription of the letters and their translation: An inscription on the little sphinx, written in a Semitic dialect, read “Beloved of Ba’alat,” referring to the Canaanite goddess, consort of Ba’al, the powerful Canaanite god.
“For me, it’s worth all the gold in Egypt,” the Israeli Egyptologist Orly Goldwasser said of this little sphinx when we viewed it at the British Museum in late 2018. She had come to London to be interviewed for a BBC documentary about the history of writing. In the high-ceilinged Egypt and Sudan study room lined with bookcases, separated from the crowds in the public galleries by locked doors and iron staircases, a curator brought the sphinx out of its basket and placed it on a table, where Goldwasser and I marveled at it. “Every word we read and write started with him and his friends.” She explained how miners on Sinai would have gone about transforming a hieroglyph into a letter: “Call the picture by name, pick up only the first sound and discard the picture from your mind.” Thus, the hieroglyph for an ox, aleph, helped give a shape to the letter “a,” while the alphabet’s inventors derived “b” from the hieroglyph for “house,” bĂȘt. These first two signs came to form the name of the system itself: alphabet. Some letters were borrowed from hieroglyphs, others drawn from life, until all the sounds of the language they spoke could be represented in written form.
(31.3) THE SWEEPING VIEW FROM THE PLATEAU AT SERABIT EL-KHADIM. The sweeping view from the plateau at Serabit el-Khadim, turquoise capital of ancient Egypt. Courtesy Lydia Wilson. The temple complex detailed evidence of the people who worked on these Egyptian turquoise excavations in the Sinai. The stelae that line the paths record each expedition, including the names and jobs of every person working on the site. The bureaucratic nature of Egyptian society yields, today, a clear picture of the immigrant labor that flocked to Egypt seeking work four millennia ago. As Goldwasser puts it, Egypt was “the America of the old world.” We can read about this arrangement in Genesis, when Jacob, “who dwelt in the land of Canaan”—that is, along the Levant coast, east of Egypt—traveled to Egypt to seek his fortune. Along with shepherds like Jacob, other Canaanites ended up mining for the Egyptian elites in Serabit, some 210 miles southeast by land from Memphis, the seat of pharaonic power.
Religious ritual played a central role in inspiring foreign workers to learn to write. After a day’s work was done, Canaanite workers would have observed their Egyptian counterparts’ rituals in the beautiful temple complex to Hathor, and they would have marveled at the thousands of hieroglyphs used to dedicate gifts to the goddess. In Goldwasser’s account, they were not daunted by being unable to read the hieroglyphs around them; instead, they began writing things their own way, inventing a simpler, more versatile system to offer their own religious invocations.
The alphabet remained on the cultural periphery of the Mediterranean until six centuries or more after its invention, seen only in words scratched on objects found across the Middle East, such as daggers and pottery, not in any bureaucracy or literature. But then, around 1200 B.C., came huge political upheavals, known as the late Bronze Age collapse. The major empires of the near east—the Mycenaean Empire in Greece, the Hittite Empire in Turkey and the ancient Egyptian Empire—all disintegrated amid internal civil strife, invasions and droughts. With the emergence of smaller city-states, local leaders began to use local languages to govern. In the land of Canaan, these were Semitic dialects, written down using alphabets derived from the Sinai mines.
These Canaanite city-states flourished, and a bustling sea trade spread their alphabet along with their wares. Variations of the alphabet—now known as Phoenician, from the Greek word for the Canaanite region—have been found from Turkey to Spain, and survive until today in the form of the letters used and passed on by the Greeks and the Romans.
In the century since the discovery of those first scratched letters in the Sinai mines, the reigning academic consensus has been that highly educated people must have created the alphabet. But Goldwasser’s research is upending that notion. She suggests that it was actually a group of illiterate Canaanite miners who made the breakthrough, unversed in hieroglyphs and unable to speak Egyptian but inspired by the pictorial writing they saw around them. In this view, one of civilization’s most profound and most revolutionary intellectual creations came not from an educated elite but from illiterate laborers, who usually get written out of history.
Pierre Tallet, former president of the French Society of Egyptology, supports Goldwasser’s theory: “Of course [the theory] makes sense, as it is clear that whoever wrote these inscriptions in the Sinai did not know hieroglyphs,” he told me. “And the words they are writing are in a Semitic language, so they must have been Canaanites, who we know were there from the Egyptians’ own written record here in the temple.”
There are doubters, though. Christopher Rollston, a Hebrew scholar at George Washington University, argues that the mysterious writers likely knew hieroglyphs. “It would be improbable that illiterate miners were capable of, or responsible for, the invention of the alphabet,” he says. But this objection seems less persuasive than Goldwasser’s account—if Egyptian scribes invented the alphabet, why did it promptly disappear from their literature for roughly 600 years?
Besides, as Goldwasser points out, the close connection between pictograms and text would seem to be evident all around us, even in our hyper-literate age, in the form of emojis. She uses emojis liberally in her emails and text messages, and has argued that they fulfill a social need the ancient Egyptians would have understood. “Emojis actually brought modern society something important: We feel the loss of images, we long for them, and with emojis we have brought a little bit of the ancient Egyptian games into our lives.”
NGUỒN: https://www.smithsonianmag.com/history/inventing-alphabet-180976520/

(32)

2022

First thoughts: Cultural appropriation in typography

Gareth Davies

For a while now, I’ve seen a lot of designers using deliberately mismatched font combinations. I know there has been a trend to use, what would have previously been seen as very unfashionable/unsuitable, fonts within work that is more artistic/fashion led (especially in zines). While at the same time, a lot of digital work has been utilising the “new ugly” or “brutalist” approach as well. However, the examples that got me thinking the most about cultural appropriation in typography were a couple of zines I had seen that specifically used the font Mandarin (I took a screengrab of it and now can’t find it annoyingly). Seeing these zines reminded me of the section in The Politics of Design titled “Ethnic typography”. If you’re not aware of the book I would strongly recommend that you buy it. It looks at how no graphic design is objective. Everything is coloured by its environment and “explores the cultural and political context of the typography, colours, photography, symbols, and information graphics that we use everyday”. Within this section the author Ruben Pater looks at typefaces that have been designed and used to convey a sense of ethnicity, nationality, or geographic territory. The short essay that follows has been inspired by this section and also relies heavily on two essays quoted within this chapter: Stereo Types, written by Paul Shaw and New Black Face: Neuland and Lithos as Stereotypography, by Rob Giampietro. As well as my own thoughts on the subject of typography, cancel culture and who has permission to use culturally insensitive material, if any at all. I don’t want to regurgitate Pater’s chapter, because it is worth the price of the book alone, so I’ll be using the following criteria to look into the idea of cultural appropriation in typography: Who created the font? Why did they create the font? What was its intended purpose? Is a font innocent by itself? Is it only how it is used? Questions over power and control: who has it? Can it change? What is the role of typography in general? Who created the font?
The typefaces primarily used in these three essays (I’ll use the word essay to collectively describe all three source materials within this essay, despite Pater’s being a chapter in a book) are Mandarin, Neuland and Lithos. I won’t go into too much depth here about the origins of each typeface — you get all that from the original materials — but I will touch on it briefly to help understand the context and purpose of each typeface and question whether this influenced its later use. Paul Shaw is keen to point out that we shouldn’t group all these ethnic fonts together and assume that they all share the same history but rather understand that there are “many different paths taken by a typeface from its creation to its status as a visual shorthand for an entire group.” Firstly, when were these typefaces created and who created them? Neuland was created in 1923 by Rudolf Koch, Lithos was created by Carol Twombly in 1989 and Mandarin (originally named Chinese) was created by the Cleveland Type Foundry in 1883. While looking for any commonality in their creation, it is difficult to see any shared characteristics or attributes between these typefaces. Neuland was inspired by Blackletter/Blackface typefaces that had historically preceded it and designed with religious fervour in mind by Koch. When it went on to be marketed in America, it was pitched as an advertising font and its religious function was soon lost. Lithos was architecturally inspired by Greek temple inscriptions but, like Neuland, this was not enough to make it sellable to market. To make it sellable another weight was added, much bolder, which drastically moved it away from its original intentions and into something, albeit historically unrelated, visually very close to Neuland. Or as Giampietro bluntly describes it, “Lithos’ bold-weighted anachronism is now Neuland’s bastard child”.
Mandarin, as portrayed by Shaw, is a different story and can be described as a “chop suey” font. Meaning, “just as chop suey is an American invention, so, too, are the letters of Mandarin and its many offspring. Neither the food nor the fonts bear any real relation to true Chinese cuisine or calligraphy.” This is not the same as Neuland and Lithos. From the outset Mandarin was an unashamedly stereotypical rendering of another nationality and culture’s visual language. It anglicised minor aspects of the original and made it what it wanted, in effect caricaturing the original. And like a caricature it ignored what it didn’t want to see and exaggerated what it wanted to highlight. As highlighted by the example (Pater and Shaw both use) the 1899 poster “Trip to Chinatown”. Shaw goes on to detail how by the 1930s, chop suey fonts were synonymous with Chinese culture (and today as almost anything Asian) and Pater mentions how this still continues with the 2002 Abercrombie and Fitch t-shirt with lazy, stereotypical “racist caricatures”. Therefore, Mandarin was deliberately stereotypical from the beginning and was not something that happened over time. Can the font itself be innocent?
Now that we have seen the origins of these three fonts, are they innocent? Or is it only their later application that has made them fall into cultural appropriation and stereotyping within the design world? As stated, Neuland began with religious fervour, it was later (and without the originator) that it became heavily used within “advertisements for products associated with slavery: tobacco and cotton.” Giampietro demonstrates how even the woodblock nature of the font itself even gave it the reputation as “lower class”. Reducing it to a “garbage type”, i.e. “esoteric, inelegant, difficult to set, and destined, like tobacco ephemera, for the garbage.” Neuland and other typefaces of this nature would be heavily used amongst circus advertising, only emphasising their “other” (i.e. non-western) status and grouped with the Middle East (Giampietro also emphasises this furthering the link with Lithos). Therefore, because of their use as signifying Africa and the Middle East, the fonts become lazy, unimaginative symbols, often combined with racist imagery, of not just these geographical locations but harmful stereotypes of people, histories and work practices. Giampietro argues that Lithos has also been used extensively to convey a feeling or rather, “suggest ‘jungle,’ ‘safari,’ and ‘adventure’ — in short, Africa”, citing the example of the Subaru Outback badge as well as books on the Harlem Renaissance.
In other words, as far as we know Neuland was created without any “African” concept in mind but rather as an updated German blackletter typography. (Although, Giampietro does reveal evidence of Koch’s sculpture work which is strongly “Primitivist” and also combines some of the religious fervour that went into creating Neuland itself.) Regarding Lithos, to say it ‘borrows’ from Greek influence would be kind. To say it presents as a corrupted caricature of a highly anglicised version of Greek typography might be going too far. Either way, it is certainly a cheapened version of a “Greek” style without too much care for the original. That is to say, neither Neuland or Lithos are anywhere near as bad as Mandarin. We know from it’s conception that the creator of Mandarin was producing it as purely a “chop suey” font with no love for the geographical, historic or visual origin and purely a commodification or colonial stereotype.
For these reasons I think we can safely say that Mandarin is not an innocent typeface. It was exploitative from the start. I am undecided whether Lithos is innocent or not. Neuland, with Koch as the creator, cannot be held accountable for the way the typeface got used beyond their control. Once the work of a typographer has been created and is released into the world, how can the creator possibly be held accountable for the way that it is used? With the evidence that Giampietro presents, it is without ill intent that the typeface was created. The same simply cannot be said for Mandarin. Whereas Lithos, according to Giampietro, has subsequently been used to convey “Africa” I am unsure whether there was any original implication of cultural appropriation. Despite its Greek influence and arguably anglicised nature it is certainly ambiguous whether we could go as far as to say it is guilty of cultural appropriation. Rather, as stated, it is a bit of a cheapened version of an original..
Power and control: who has it and can it change? For me this is the essential part of the argument regarding cultural appropriation within typography, power and control. Of course, as much as anything else (the power and meaning of language, political power, cultural capital etc.) power has the potential to change hands. However, let’s also be realistic. Giampietro describes succinctly how, pre Neuland’s creation in 1923, African American graphic design history was “non-existent” as African American’s had “no buying power or social acceptance”. This only contributed to the proliferation of the racist stereotypes on products like tobacco. Maybe, it could be argued that this was almost a hundred years ago and things have changed? However, Giampietro describes the practice of ““stereotypography” — the stereotyping of cultures through typefaces associated with them — has been increasing as graphic design becomes a greater cultural force”.
My thoughts on this aspect (prior to reading on the subject) were based on whether it was possible to demonstrate a ‘reclamation’ of typefaces by those who had historically had power removed from them through this “stereotypography”. But from these three primary sources this has not been the case. There has not been a reclamation of Neuland or Lithos by African or African diasporan designers. Shaw states that, “Ethnic types have been dubbed “garbage fonts” by typophiles, and since the fonts are culturally inauthentic, they are deemed an affront to the political sensitivities of ethnic groups (and to the enlightened morals of graphic designers). But it has often been immigrant entrepreneurs, not professional designers, who have chosen to use these typefaces and keep their popularity alive.” Does this count as a reclamation? Does this address the historic power imbalance and go towards righting the wrongs previous graphic designers have inflicted on these “other” groups? I’d argue no.
Shaw himself provides some of the reasons why this does not qualify as reclamation in the paragraph preceding the quote above, “[Ethnic type] survives for the simple reason that stereotypes, though crude, serve a commercial purpose. They are shortcuts, visual mnemonic devices. There is no room for cultural nuance or academic accuracy in a shop’s fascia.” Could it be that shop owners, restaurateurs, small business owners etc. are not thinking in the same way, or for as long, as critics, writers and graphic designers on this subject? They certainly cannot be blamed for employing the use of these “lower class”, “ethnic”, “garbage fonts” because, as Shaw points out, they provide a quick, easy, visual device that tells the potential customer what they sell so was good for business. However, given the history that we have seen associated with these typeface, we as designers, must think in a way that does not resort to “stereotypography”. For one, it is lazy, but more importantly do we want to perpetuate these stereotypes and be a part of their historical usage? Regarding whether African American designers used fonts like Neuland and Lithos, Giampietro writes, “away from the white-controlled industries of book publishing, movie making, car dealing, adventure seeking, font designing, and designer clothing, in small African-American-controlled sectors of business and culture, no sign of Neuland or Lithos appears”. Rather, by looking at Ebony magazine and Blue Note records, he instead sees “playful modernism” with “modern typefaces revamped”. No need to use these “garbage fonts” when you’re designing for some of the best records ever made.
What is the role of typography in general? After having looked at each font’s origins, asked can the font itself be innocent, and considered ideas of power and control within typography, we can now ask (briefly): what is the role of typography? Have we been overly sensitive? Have we read too much into some ugly fonts? Is this political correctness gone mad? Is it alright for typography to just be expressive and capture a mood or a feeling, even if it’s not accurate and only in the typographer’s mind and avoid cultural appropriation altogether?
Of course, typography can be expressive! I do not subscribe to the masochistic zealousness that faux-modernists hold dear by quoting Massimo Vignelli. I admire his work, of course, but I think there are more than 3 good typefaces in the world. I enjoy a lot about the so-called “brutalist” or “new ugly” designs that are a reaction, or distortion, to the parochial passion that many feel towards the Bauhaus and the Swiss/International style. Again, I am definitely not against these styles and admire a lot about them and what they have provided graphic design. Stylistically and theoretically. However, as I have read these three essays I have realised that the question regarding typography’s role is not as relevant. Of course, as mentioned at the beginning, zines and art projects are perfect for expressive, subversive, challenging typography and I love seeing previously frowned-upon typefaces reinvented with great design combining text and image. In some ways I have wondered, might it be appropriate to use fonts like Neuland and Lithos, if they were not tainted by the history that has come to be associated with them? To use a “garbage font” could be non-conformist and make a powerful visual and political statement. We have seen how even typefaces like Helvetica, the most ubiquitous typeface, can be distorted, altered and bent into something powerful and interesting. However, hopefully what we have read here is to avoid, at all costs, “stereotypography” through lazy stereotyping using typography. Is it ever alright to use “chop suey” fonts? That might need a part 2 to explain further but it should be obvious not to perpetuate harmful imagery with bigoted attitudes. Or as Pater concludes, “the use of ethnic stereotypes prevents the public from seeing representations of minorities treated with the same respect as those of the dominant culture”.